| During the months which
followed the Irish rebellion of 1798, a French army landed
in the south of Ireland to help the insurgents in their
struggle against the British Crown. The aide-de-campe of
the French General Humbert was a young Irishman who had
left his native town to serve beneath the standards of
revolutionary France. The Irishman was Bartholomew
Teeling, and presently he was captured try the British,
brought to Dublin and court-martialled as a rebel. In
order to he certain who they were executing the
authorities sent for William Coulson, the damask
manufacturer from Lisburn, who identified the prisoner as
a son of Luke Teeling, a linen merchant who lived in
Chapel Hill, Lisburn.
EXECUTED
Bartholomew Teeling was duly executed, and of the even
the Hibernian Magazine wrote: "The severity of Teeling's
fate was rendered necessary by the peculiar state of the
times."
The times' referred to was the decade of the French
revolution which had been greeted by young men all over
Europe -- and nowhere more eloquently. than in Belfast -
with the splendid vocabulary of idealism. The example of
the French, who offered their support in the international
struggle of people everywhere against the tyranny of
kings, seemed to many Irishmen yet another compelling
reason why they should unite and destroy the power of the
English Crown in Ireland
REPUBLICANISM
Only republicanism could guarantee freedom, because
only in a republic could the people govern themselves, and
if people did not govern themselves they were not free.
This simple idea. force-fully stated all over Ireland and
passionately believed in by the converts it won in
villages, hamlets and towns, contained the seed of
rebellion, for it followed that if kings would not give up
their thrones and their control over the destinies of men,
then their power would have to be taken from them by
force.
In eighteenth century Ireland the government was so
riddled with injustice that it would have been miraculous
if the Irish had not tried to
redress their grievances, by persuasion it' possible, by
force it necessary.
BASTARDS
Presbyterians could not hold office under the Crown,
and frequently the children of people married by a
Presbyterian minister were described and treated in law as
bastards. Roman Catholics fared no better under the sway
of English law in Ireland. Not only were they excluded
from higher offices and barred from parliament, but also
they suffered under a penal code which restricted their
personal freedom no less than the decrees of Louis XIV
affected the Huguenots of France.
Besides the grievances. of these two categories of
people there was the anger of men who were driven out of
their homes by business men with capital. As the leases of
farms ran out they were not renewed, with the result that
there was a great deal of uncertainty among farmers about
their future.
From the 1750's there were agrarian outrages all over
Ulster, attacks on farms and individuals which may have
seemed pointless to people of that time but which forewarn
the historian that tile conditions of rebellion are at
hand.
VOLUNTEERS
Lisburn was a centre of the agitation that preceded :
the '98 rebellion. The Lisburn Volunteers, which had
originally been formed as defensive force against the
threat of a French invasion, carried their militancy into
politics and made it clear to the King's representatives
in Dublin that they would welcome the abolition of the
restrictions on religious worship, the holding of office,
and freedom of trade.
To emphasise their attitude Captain Alexander Crawford
led his company to mass in tile Roman Catholic chapel, and
thus the Volunteers of Lisburn rejected the dangerous
bigotry which had plagued the town till then, and which
lies latent still in the minds of some of its citizens.
The Dublin authorities saw nothing to fear in the
intentions of the Volunteers until symptoms of
disturbances became too numerous to ignore. Up in Kilrea
the locals began to experiment with a guillotine -- on
cats and dogs, indeed, but the message was clear. Two
hundred and twenty five rounds of shot for six pounder
cannon were found in a shallow part of the Lagan near
Lisburn.
Songs reflected not only tile attractions of the
republican idea, but also an alarming disrespect for the
King like this toast of tile 1790`s: "May the skin of old
Geordy, meaning the King - be a drum head to rouse the
republicans to arms."
Men of like minds met secretly to plan open rebellion
in the five fields of Erin, and of the agitation in the
north Lord Castlereagh wrote in 1796: "Belfast is its
centre. and it is very general towards Lisburn."
So general was the activity of the United Irishmen
around Lisburn that the people of the town became
accustomed to the sight of leading citizens being
committed to gaol or to eternity at the hands of the
executioner.
Samuel Musgrave, the Rev. Crawford and scores of others
were arrested in the town. An unfortunate named Crabbe and
a tinsmith named Vincent were executed, and we have a
stirring account in the work of Charles Teeling of the
fate of Armstrong, "a man from the humbler walks of life",
who when petitioned by his wife to think of his children
and turn informer to save his life, replied, "Ah. Jane, if
I were to become a traitor, think how many widows and
orphans that would make."
PERSECUTION
But for all the persecution., preparations for the
rising continued unabated, in the north as in the south,
among protestants as well as Catholics, and previously
quiet country homesteads rang like the forge of Vulcan.
"During the winter of 1797," writes McCall, "and the
spring of , the following year a Lisburn whitesmith forged
upwards of five hundred pikes."
On June 16 of that year a group of rebel leaders met at
Hillsborough and "walked out by different routes" to
examine the defences of the army camp at Blaris, near
Lisburn. They found it well entrenched, but Colonel James
Plunkett, who had served as an officer on foreign
battlefields, declared that he could destroy it when the
time came.
And only the time remained to be fixed, for strategy ,
tactics and weapons had already been prepared.
AGITATION
There was no family more outstanding for the
involvement of its members in the agitation leading to the
'98 than the Teelings of Lisburn whose misfortunes made
them famous all over Ireland.
Luke Telling was a linen merchant who lived in Chapel
Hill. It was he who organised a petition, signed by many
freeholders in County Antrim, imploring the King to
dismiss his representatives in Dublin.
His attitude to the Government was never violent and
his efforts were directed to peacefully securing for
people of his own faith the privileges then enjoyed only
by Anglicans. Nevertheless. he was arrested and offered
his freedom on the condition that he would take his family
out of Ireland and never come back.
The prisoner replied: "Mr Telling, never having
offended against the laws of his country ... nor given any
cause for the outraged comitted on his family, his
property and his person, cannot accept any terms that
imply guilt."
ARRESTED
Luke Teeling's sons, feeling like Wordsworth. that to
be young at the time of the French revolution "were very
heaven" rejected the ways of the Lisburn Constitutional
Club and became revolutionaries. Charles, the eldest son,
was arrested in Lisburn, and he described the event like
this: "We had proceeded up the street together, when
having reached the house of his noble relative the Marquis
of Hertford, we were about to take leave of his lordship (Castlereagh).
'I regret,' said he, addressing my father, 'that your son
cannot accompany you', conducting me through the outer
gate, which, to my inexpressible astonishment, was
instantly closed."
Like his father, Charles was committed to a prison in
Dublin, and like his father refused to accept a bribe to
leave Ireland.
IMPRISONED
A second son of Telling's was also imprisoned during
the period of the rebellion, and Bartholomew, the
youngest. most fervent member of the family, suffered, as
we have seen, the fate of rebels who fail.
It would, I think, be accurate to describe the Teelings
as one of the most remarkable families to have lived in
Lisburn. Certainly I know of none from that town which was
more committed to changing the society in which they
lived.
TURN-OUT
When the time came for the rebels to take up their
cause and their pikes against the Government the "turnout"
(a phrase still used in a different context) in the Lagan
Valley was disappointing. The United Irishmen were indeed
strong in Belfast and Lisburn. but the presence there of
garrisons of soldiers made caution prevail among
sympathisers with the aims of the rebellion, and the
extensive army encampment at Blaris just outside Lisburn
seems to have had a deterrent effect.
The leaders of the '98 in the north decided to concentrate
their early efforts on Antrim, from where the could hope
to co-ordinate the efforts of insurgents in the north and
north-west. But Henry Joy McCracken and his colleagues
seem to have given little thought to where they would go
after Antrim.
So long as the military forces of the Crown in Lisburn
and Belfast held the Lagan Valley. South Antrim and North
Down could not play an important or successful role in the
rebellion.
Indeed, one of the reasons for the defeat of the attack
on Antrim was undoubtedly the arrival of reinforcements
from the army camp at Blaris. The failure of the rebels to
take account of the long-established military importance
of Lisburn by launching an early attack on Blaris - as
they had planned to do - greatly reduced their already
slim chances of success.
POLITICS
The rebels of Ulster made their last effort at
Ballynahinch, where they were led by a Lisburn draper,
Henry Munroe. Munroe was a man of some standing in the
ranks of Lisburn's society before questions of politics
became so urgent as to compel moderate men to take sides.
He became a Volunteer in 1778, and in his own generous
way saw no reason why people of his Anglican faith should
determine the way in which other people should worship. He
also advocated parliamentary reform.
FLOGGED
In 1795 he became a United Irishman, three years later
to accept the leadership of the North Down rebels after
one of them, Hood, had been flogged through the streets of
Lisburn.
By some accounts, Munroe might have won a victory at
the battle which closed the chapter of rebellion in the
north if he had taken advantage of the drunkenness of his
enemy. But he declined to attack when they were
defenceless, preferring to meet them "in the blush of open
day."
It was a splendid phrase and an honourable sentiment,
but scarcely the altitude required to turn revolt into
revolution. His forces were defeated in the blush of open
day, Munroe himself evaded capture for some days, until
finally he was brought back to Lisburn and executed in
full view of the citizens who still respected his
character even if they disliked his views.
REBELLION
The '98 rebellion, one of the best known episodes in
Irish history inspired many songs, books and poems,
supplied Ireland with a fresh batch of martyrs to the
cause of freedom, and created an example of violence for
generations yet unborn to follow. It brought Ireland no
closer to freedom or to the specific aims for which the
insurgents had fought.
Another generation passed before the achievement of
Catholic `Emancipation.' Fresh agrarian outrages occurred
before the British Government listened to the demands of
Irish peasants. More bloodshed, more volunteers, more than
another hundred years were to pass before Ireland became a
republic.
In the north of Ireland the idea of religious
toleralion, which won a brief, audience in the later
eighteenth century, failed to survive as a social force.
One reason for this tragedy is certainly to be sought in
the determination of the people of Ulster to maintain
their union with the English crown at any price.
One hundred years after the '98, the Protestant
volunteers were preparing to fight again, not this time to
break away from the British Empire, but to assert their
determination to remain a part of it against the real or
imagined ambitions of "the papist peril in our midst."
FREEDOM
Talk of freedom, a concept as old as language, was
heard again in the streets of Lisburn, but re-defined:
used, this time, to praise what had been condemned as
bondage. a hundred years before.
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