Published by
Church of Ireland

by The Very Rev. W. P. CARMODY, M.A.,




This little book has its origin in some articles which wrote for The Lisburn Standard at the time the Tercentenary Services were held do the Cathedral, November, 1923. They were afterwards rewritten, with much additional matter, and printed weekly in The Irish Churchman during the months January to August, 1926.

Only those who have attempted some, work of this kind will understand the amount of labour and research that is required-quite out of proportion to the size of the book. I have spared no trouble to insure absolute accuracy, but I fear it would be too much to hope for it where so many dates are given, remembering how limited the material for verification is, especially since the irreparable loss of documents in the Record Office, Dublin.

A book of this kind must of necessity draw its material from many sources. I have tried where it was possible, to make acknowledgments.

I must, mention specially the names of three learned and valued friends to whom I owe a deep debt. for their help in matters in which they are acknowledged masters: The Rev. Canon Swanzy, of Newry ; the Rev. W. H. Dundas, of Magheragall, and the Rev. Canon Leslie, of Kilsaran. To them, not I alone, but the whole Church of Ireland is indebted for their diligence in studying and bringing to light the hash records of our Church. My appeal to them for information was never made in vain.

I trust that these records of one of the most, interesting churches in the United Dioceses of Down and Connor, and Dromore will be found helpful to many who are anxious to know something of its past history.

I also hope that the Congregation which meets for worship within its walls will find encouragement in their good work for God by realising in these pages their continuity with the past and their union in our Lord with the great multitude who have gone before.

The work of compiling these records has been to me a labour of love. I have regarded it as paying back, in part, a debt due by me to my friends in Lisburn for much kindness and forbearance received from them during the years when it was my privilege to be Rector of the Cathedral Parish.

W. P. CARMODY, Downpatrick,

Dean of Down. August, 1926.



by The Very Rev. THE DEAN OF DOWN,

The history of modern Ulster begins with the early years of the Seventeenth Century. The previous years had been years of strife and confusion. There was no progress, no security; the wealth of the people consisted chiefly of cattle - there was little or no cultivation, of land. A writer of that period tells us that "There were great forests in County Antrim, especially in Killultagh." This territory of Ulster had been a stronghold of the O'Neill's. Fortunately, it is not necessary for me now to write of all the horrible wars and reprisals which ended in the conquest of the rebels and the beginning of a new order of things.

But amongst, other changes and transfers we find that in 1609 or thereabouts the territory of Killultagh passed by letters patent to Sir Fulke Conway, an officer in the English Army, who settled at Lisnagarvey and brought, with him many Englishmen and Welshmen ; he built a castle, and the town of Lisnagarvey grew round it. At first there are said to have been fifty-two houses, which formed the beginning of Bow Street, Bridge Street, and Castle Street. The castle was situated in that pleasant park still known as the Castle Gardens. It was at first called "The Manor House." It faced towards the west, the front looking towards the Cathedral. This castle was strongly fortified and it must have been a magnificent building. The date of its completion was 1622. About one hundred years ago there was a wall on the south side of Castle Street, where the railings of the Castle Gardens now are, and over the doorway at the entrance to the Gardens this date was inscribed. It must have seemed a strange country to the early settlers. There is a letter from Lord Edward Conway to Lord Dorchester, dated from Lisnagarvey, 1621, in which he says--"This is a curious place. . . . Greater storms are not in any place, nor greater serenities ; foul ways, boggy ground, pleasant fields, water brooks, rivers full of fish, full of game, the people in their attire, language, fashion; barbarous. In their entertainment free and noble."

In addition to the castle, the Conways built a church on the site of the present Cathedral; it was 80ft. long by 25ft. wide, with a porch on the south side. It seems to have been at first a plain building, probably with a tower and spire, for I find in the register a note "Anno 1674; the gallery was builded, the steeple made new, and a new bell bought." This church was really a private chapel to the castle-not at first a parish church. I will show later on how it became one. It was called St. Thomas' and is referred to as a chapelry. I fancy there was some trouble when the private chapel began to function as a separate church with a minister of its own. Sir George Rawdon writes to Lord Conway from Lisnagarvey, 20th December, 1634, that his "enemies are accusing him of combining with the Bishop to rob the church." Possibly the Rector of Blaris was not pleased to see a rival church growing and prospering so near. The foundation of this church was laid in 1623, and as the castle was built in 1622 it is probable that the building of the church began when the castle was at first inhabited. In the year 1923 the tercentenary was celebrated by service of thanksgiving to Almighty God.

The first church was destroyed by the rebels in 1641. Yet how thankful we should be that though apparently the whole town, including the Castle and Cathedral, was burnt, the register was saved and is there to-day. Also how thankful we should be that the first, signal defeat of these rebels took place in Lisburn, where, under the brave leadership of Sir George Rawdon, they were driven from the town with great slaughter, by a comparatively small force of brave soldiers. The church was speedily restored after the rebellion; no doubt as much as possible on the lines of the former building.

Reference has been made to the building of the gallery. This gallery was contemplated for some years. Sir George Rawdon wrote from Lisnagarvey, on 29th March, 1670-"The Bill against Conventicles in England make some of us neighbours here think that the church will be fuller than it is. They have therefore propounded building a gallery with seats for themselves. If your Lordship agrees they will build it at their own charge, and I will, as a help, build a fair stone stairs leading to it from without, which will also lead to the little room intended over the porch for a library. only my doubt is about your own seat; for this gallery must be two or three feet higher than your Lordship's seat is now. This will not be suitable, and it will be better if your seat be made proportionable in height and enlarged broader to the aisle, as this rest should be if the work proceeds, wherein I desire your pleasure."

Before giving a, list of the Rectors it. may not, be out of place to say something about the history of the Parish, and to try to elucidate the facts connected with the names Lisburn, Lisnagarvey, and Blaris. I am frequently asked questions on this subject. It is often stated that the old name of this place was Lisnagarvey, but it came to be called Lisburn after the burning of the town. The note on this subject by Dr. Cupples is- "A prevailing conjecture is, that this designation (Lisnagarvey) was abolished after the burning of the town by an accidental fire in 1707, and the present one
framed in allusion to, and in commemoration of the calamitous event. But this is an error, for it appears by the registry of baptism, marriages, and funerals, that the modern name began and the ancient one ceased, so early as January, 1662, the reason of which cannot now be ascertained."

The word Lisburn is found for the first time in a baptismal entry January 11th, 1662; and Lisnagarvey is so called in a burial entry l3th February, 1662, and is not again found. It, may be argued that Lisnagarvey was changed to Lisburn because the town was burned by the Rebels in 1641. This seems to be most improbable ; after twenty years the: burning would be a memory, and the loyal people of the town would not be disposed to give it a name that would be forever reminiscent of its destruction by rebels. The reason must be sought for elsewhere. In the absence of any other I will hazard the following conjecture-to me it. is conclusive, others may not think so. It is well to be reminded that this is not the only place named Lisburn. In a very learned book "The: Place Names of Decies," by the Rev. P. Power, there is mention of a place in the south of County Tipperary called "The Lisburn''-of which the author says: "Meaning unknown." Now, in the 1641 depositions it is stated that the, rebels entered the town "at a place called Louzy Burne" ; this is the deposition of an English soldier, and English soldiers have still difficulty in pronouncing Irish names. I take it., then, that "Louzy Burne" is Lisburn. Just as we find Lisnagarvey called by an, English writer of that period "Linsley Garvin," if I am correct in this, it would seem that there was a fort called Lisburn from an early :period just as there was a fort called Lisnagarvey. And I believe, also, the site of that fort called Lisburn is still to be seen at the top of Hill Street on the east side; there are the remains of an important and well-fortified primitive town, with strong fortifications guarding any approach from the river and the surrounding country: in a garden close by can still be seen part of the quern or grinding stone used in early days; and around it on the west side the original stone pavement may be traced down to the river. Also, this is just the course that anyone entering Lisburn from the south-west would :take ; and that is the direction the rebels would come from. I take it, then, that Lisburn and Lisnagarvey existed together; that the name Lisnagarvey became at :first more frequent in use for Sir Fulke Conway had built his castle close by it; but it had to compete with Lisburn, which in reality was the more important place in pre-plantation days, and finally Lisburn, being shorter and more easily pronounced by the English settlers, became the familiar name and Lisnagarvey gradually dropped out.

Now, as regards the connection of Blaris with Lisburn or Lisnagarvey, the facts would seem to be: Blaris is a very old ecclesiastical site, still used as a burial ground, about two miles southwest of Lisburn. The church was founded at an early period, and at the time of the Ulster Plantation was probably the only church in use for many miles round; if, indeed, there was much use for any church in the terrible years preceding that period. I cannot find any facts about the, ancient history of Blaris. Dr. Cupples says it was founded by Bishop Maguire and became a member of the Abbey of Inch. I cannot find any record of a Bishop Maguire, and Inch is a Norman Cistercian abbey founded in the twelfth century. The earliest Rector of Blaris that I can find is


He was deprived by the Primate for non-residence. This Patrick Hamilton was appointed by" the charter of King James I., Prebendary of Talpestown in the Chapter of the Cathedral of Down; and it appears by the Ulster Visitation Book of 1622 that he was also deprived of this by the Primate for non-residence.

For the present Lisnagarvey and Blaris must be considered separately. I will deal with their amalgamation later on.

The earliest clergyman in connection with Lisnagarvey, who is known, is a man named


who was "curate" in 1633; his name is found in a Regal Visitation Book of 1633. It will be noticed that he is not called Rector or Vicar, because as I said, the church at Lisnagarvey of that time was only a. private chapel in connection with the Castle. He held the Vicarage of Magheragall from 12th May, 1635. Chambers died on 14th July, 1637. The records of him show that he was very poor. Rawdon writes to Conway that his books and goods were of little value; not worth the charge of his administration. He had thought at one time of going to England for preferment.

Now we turn to Blaris; in 1629 the advowson was granted to James Viscount Clandeboy; but in 1633 it passed into the hands of the, Conway family, the amount of the tythes in that year is stated to be �50. The advowson remained with the Conways and their successors in the property till disestablishment.

was presented to the Rectory of Blaris by Viscount Conway on 23rd May, 1636, and instituted on 3rd March, 163'7. He seems to have been Rector for the short period of three days, as his successor was instituted on the 6th March in the same year. His name is spelt in various ways-on the Cathedral Memorial Window it is "Forbisson" ; it is also found as "Forbesse." He received the degree M.A. in the University of Aberdeen, 1629. He was ordained deacon by Theophilus Buckworth, Bishop of Dromore, 6th May, 1622, and priest by Robert Echlin, Bishop of Down, 22nd May, 1624.

REV. JAMES HAMILTON, M.A. (1637-1661),
was instituted Rector of Blaris on 6th March, 1637. He and Robert Price, who was instituted to the Rectory of Kilmegan, 3rd June, 1636, seem to have offered strong resistance to the Covenant, and were both suspended in 1644 and restrained from the service of the ministry. It is not easy to trace his history after his expulsion; he is described in 1647 as "deprived by the Presbytery and lurking where he can be entertained." Sir George Rawdon wrote of him in 1657: "Mr. Hamilton, who was presented to Blaris, is still alive, but does not much look after it. I do not know what he may do." Though suspended, he seems to have retained his title to the Rectory till 1661.

He had been instituted Rector of Dundonald on 4th August, 1636. There was a James Hamilton instituted Rector of Knockbreda, 20th April, 1660, and again instituted Rector of Bangor, 3rd September, 1661 ; but I cannot be sure that he was the James Hamilton who was Rector of Blaris, though it seems probable.

His name is not on the Cathedral Memorial Window.

It would appear from the correspondence between Sir George Rawdon and Lord Conway (State Papers, Ireland) that in 1657 a Commission was sitting for the amalgamation of parishes, and that Lisburn, or Blaris, head added to it Derriaghy, Lambeg and part of Magheragall. This accounts for the fact that the Baptisms, etc., in those parishes for many years are found in the Lisburn Registers.

We must, now turn to Lisnagarvey.

REV. MARTIN TINLEY (1637-1640),
was instituted "Parson and Incumbent of Lisnagarvey" on 13th December, 1637; he became Treasurer of Dromore in 1638, Archdeacon of Stafford (Diocese of Lichfield) in 1640, Archdeacon of Cork 1641-46, Vicar of Paulswood (Herts.) in 1642. He married Frances, daughter of Bazil Smith, of London. He died in London on 31st, January, 1647, and was buried at St. Andrew's (London). It will be seen that he held many offices, but that was not uncommon in those days. Yet he may have resided in Lisnagarvey until he had to fly during the great Rebellion, which broke out on 23rd October, 1641. I find in the Cathedral register that his daughter, Elizabeth, was baptized there on 16th May, 1641. His name is not on the Cathedral Memorial Window.

THE REV. THOMAS IVES (1640-1641)
would seem to have been a "minister of Lisnagarvey town before the Rebellion, when he was expelled." He succeeded Martin Tinley, who probably resigned in 1640.

Amongst the "Ministers of the Gospel" who were officially recognized by the State and who were, in consequence, either paid salaries or settled upon tithes is found Thomas Ives, who was stationed at Oughterard, Whitechurch, Castledelon and Castlelyons, 1660. ("The Puritans in Ireland," by St. John D. Seymour, page 215). This may have been the same. He is marked E. (Episcopalian).

It will not be necessary for me to give more than the barest outline of the Cromwellian period, for which I am thankful ; as the smouldering fires of that time are not yet extinguished, and I have no desire to rekindle them; it will be sufficient to say that the existing clergy were expelled, and a man named Andrew Wyke was appointed on 3rd October, 1651, as commonwealth minister to preach the Gospel at Lisnagarvey. He was an anabaptist, and Adair, a well-known Presbyterian minister and writer of that time, describes him as "Void of human learning, never educated in that way, but a tradesman and imprudent." In 1657 he had for his income �150 and the tithes of Blaris, Lambeg, and Derriaghy; and he had the tithes of Magheragall from 1661 to 1655. Andrew Wyke was a man of some force, and quite capable of looking after his own interest. But he had not always his own way. The Conways and Rawdons were strong and sufficiently influential to get Cromwell's permission to bring over Jeremy Taylor, who, though he resided at Portmore, rode into Lisburn once a week and held service in the Cathedral.

It was after the Restoration that church matters began, but not quietly, to settle down into the former channels.

I must now make rather a long digression to tell the story of how Blaris and Lisnagarvey became amalgamated. The history of the Parish was opened up, and some of the facts about its early days were brought to light in a rather curious way in the year 1833. The Parish of Lisburn or Blaris, as we all know, is partly in Antrim and partly in Down, and consists of 26 townlands; 9 of these were in the Barony of Lower Iveagh and were the property of the Marquis of Downshire. It would seem that for many years there was difficulty in collecting the cess from the parishioners in these townlands. The Vestry Book shows that in 1735 they were threatened with a law suit for not doing so. The same was true of the two townlands of Lisnoe and Deneight, which belonged to Mr. Mussenden, of Larchfield. Then in 1833 a Tithe Commissioner named Lynch settled the tithes to be paid to the Rector -the Rev. Snowden Cupples- at �700 per annum, to be levied at the tithe rate off the whole parish. This drove the County Down parishioners into open revolt; they were led by Wm. Shaw, Wm. Hunter, Hercules Bradshaw, John Hawkshaw, Wills Phenix, and John Brown. They employed a Belfast solicitor, Mr. Montgomery, to conduct their appeal. They held a stormy meeting in the Cathedral Vestry. Here is part of the story as given by the churchwardens, John Reid and Wm. Collins:-

The 19th November was the day fixed for holding the Vestry for the purpose of taking into consideration the certificate of the Commissioner; on that day, about 11 o'clock, witnesses opened the door of the Church for the purpose of holding the Vestry. Immediately on the door being opened the Vestry-room was filled with a large crowd of persons, amounting to upwards "of 100, the greater part of these persons, who were "known to witnesses, were from the County Down part "of the parish, and the great majority were not qualified "to vote at the Vestry; they seemed to be quite under the control of Messrs. Bradshaw and Moreland. The cess payers present, named in the amended list of 25, "consisted of the following persons:-Jos. C. Moreland, Robt. J. Fowler, J. S. Hawkshaw, John Greene, Hugh Frazer, John Brown, Jas. Phenix, Wm. Shaw, Sarah Walsh, Hercules Bradshaw, and Wills Phenix, all of whom are among the appellants, and Cornelius Carlton Who did not vote; and Thos. Mussen, William Coulson, and James Green, who were against the appeal. John Henderson and William Hunter, though named in the appeal and made appellants, were not present at the Vestry at all. The following .�50 freeholders were also present, namely, William Whitla, Robt. Stewart, "Edward Heron, Sam Heron, David Beatty, Robert M'Call, Wm. Graham, John Mercer, Henry Mercer, William Dillon, Dr. Stewart, Wm. Thompson, David Legg and Henry Bell. As soon as the crowd had rushed into, the Vestry-room, it was proposed by James Cowan Moreland and seconded by Robert J. Fowler, two of the appellants, that Hercules Bradshaw should take the chair; at the same time it was proposed by William Coulson, a. cess payer, and seconded by William Whitla, a freeholder, that Dr. Stewart should take the chair. After a great deal of riot and confusion, witness John Reid proceeded to read the notice calling the Vestry, and when he had done so he stated to the meeting that none but persons duly qualified should remain in the room or take any part in the proceedings, and he then called on all those who were not qualified to go out of the room. They would not do so, however, but insisted on remaining in the room. At this time it was almost impossible to hear what was going on with the noise and shouting of the crowd. It was then proposed by J. C. Moorland, and seconded by R. J. Fowler, that an appeal should be made to the Lord Lieutenant, and a large sheet of paper was then produced by Mr. Moreland, but was not read. At this time Mr. Bradshaw still insisted that he was in the chair, called on those who were, favourable to the appeal to hold up their hands. The crowd accordingly held up their hands and Bradshaw declared that the, question of appeal was carried. However, another resolution proposed by Wm. Whitla, and seconded by Wm. Coulson, was put to the meeting by Dr. Stewart accepting the Tithe Commissioner's decision and was carried by the votes of those who were qualified to vote.

What a stir this must have made in the Parish! Those who say that trouble in Vestries began since Disestablishment have not read parochial history carefully.

The discontented party, however, did appeal to the Lord Lieutenant, and he ordered the case to be heard at the spring assizes in Carrickfergus ; and accordingly it was heard in March, 1834, before Judge Moore. The appellants had for counsel Mr. Gilmore ; and Dr. Cupples had Sergt. Perrin. The Judge decided after a very short hearing that the Vestry proceedings were invalid and there was no legal appeal. The matter seems to have ended there.

I have given this bit of history rather fully, as it may be found interesting; but it has not much to do with the subject I am writing of. However, what connects it with my subject is this: Mr. Montgomery, the solicitor employed in the case, had careful search made into all documents and Acts of Parliament connected with the Parish, and to his surprise, and everyone elses, he thought he discovered that the townlands in which his clients resided were not in Blaris at all, but in a Parish no one ever heard of before called " The Parish of Culcavey." And it was on this ground he hoped for a successful result of the appeal.

The origin of parishes and parish boundaries, is a very obscure and complicated matter. The constitution of the early Church in Ireland was neither parochial nor diocesan. The ecclesiastical units of Diocese and Parish began to emerge gradually after the Synod of Rathbreasil. Though it is a fact that there were Diocesan Bishops much earlier, when the Danes became Christians ; for example, in Waterford and Limerick. It. is equally true, strange as it may appear to us now, that there were no, fixed farm or farm boundaries in Ulster till after the Plantation. It would appear, as stated previously, that before the period we are writing of there had come into, being the Parish of Blaris, consisting of 26 townlands. When Sir Fulke Conway had settled down in Lisburn and was building a home there, he also built a Church called St. Thomas's Church, which is now, after much alteration, Lisburn Cathedral. It was originally a private chapel for the use of the Conways and their dependants, but in time the town of Lisnagarvey began to grow round the Castle, and the majority of the parishioners living close by, it. became more into use as a place of worship than Blaris, which was not only depleted of its congregation, but the building was gradually falling in ruins. Still there was, as I said before, a Rector at Blaris, and a Parson or Incumbent at St. Thomas', Lisnagarvey. In the year 1644, when the Rev. Martin Tinley was at Lisnagarvey, and the Rev. James Hamilton, Rector of Blaris, a Bill was presented to the Irish Parliament by Lord Conway; the Bishop of Down and Connor ; and the two clergymen, requesting that at the death or resignation of either of these ministers there should only be one Church and one Rector, who, for the time being, was to be the survivor, the parish was to be called Lisnagarvey and Lord Conway was to have the right of presentation.

This, it would seem, was not altogether acceptable to the Hill family, and as part of their estate was involved they certainly had a right to a voice in the matter, for we find that in the following year before the first Bill was passed another was presented to Parliament by the same persons as before with the addition of "Arthur Hill, Esq.," asking
that the parish of Blaris might be divided and so much thereof as lay within the territory of Slutneils, in the Barony of Castlereagh, might be united to the said parish of Lisnagarvey, and that the other part of the said parish of Blaris, which lay within the territory of Kilwarlin, in the Lower Barony of Iveagh, should remain a distinct parish to be called  the Parish of Culcavey."

Getting a Bill through Parliament is usually a. slow process and was much slower in the period I am dealing with, for Ponynings' Act was then in force, and by its provisions no Act of Parliament could become law in Ireland unless it had first the consent of the King and Privy Council of England. The custom was that when an Act of Parliament was required in Ireland a draft of it was first sent to the King and Privy Council of England, who, if they approved of it, transmitted it to the Chief Governor of Ireland, accompanied by a commission under the great seal of England, which ratified the King's approval and authorising Royal consent in case it passed through both Houses of Parliament in Ireland. At this stage it was not an Act. of Parliament, but was officially known as a "Transmiss." Such documents were lodged in the Rolls Office of the Irish Chancery. It is easy to see that they would become very numerous, and considering the great Rebellion in Ireland and the period of Cromwell's rule, it is not surprising that the two Acts referred to never got beyond the stage of being "Transmisses." Mr. Montgomery in doing zealous work for his clients made a diligent search in the Rolls Office, and mistaking a "Transmiss" for an act of Parliament buoyed them up with the hope that they were not parishioners of Blaris. The case fell through, the fact being that the old Parish of Blaris retained its original unity. James Hamilton and Thomas Ives were expelled by Cromwell's Commissioners, and at the Restoration we come into one Church, one Rector, and one Parish called ever since Blaris, otherwise Lisburn. I cannot find any Act of Parliament confirming this, the Act referred to above never seems to have got beyond the stage of being a transmiss. There is no mention of the matter in the Patent Rolls. St. Thomas's Church seems to have taken the place of the Parish Church, and its right to do so was not disputed. The question was finally settled in 1662, when by a charter of King Charles II. this Church, which is not called the Parish Church, but "The Church of Lisburne, alias Lisnagarvie," was constituted "To be forever hereafter the Cathedral Church and "Episcopal Seat of the aforesaid several bishopricks of "Down and Connor."

It should not be difficult now to trace the succession of clergy and the growth of church work in the Cathedral ; but we are not yet in the light of day. There must have been dreadful confusion at the Restoration, and the struggle between the Bishops and the Non-Conformists did not die down in a day. In the year 1661 Bishop Jeremy Taylor declared thirty-six parishes vacant, after an ineffectual attempt to bring about conformity; and, to fill these vacancies he brought a number of clergy from England ; one of them was:

He was ordained Priest on 3rd March, 1661. And probably became Rector of Lisburn immediately; on the following day he was collated and installed Archdeacon of Down, which he held till his death in 1674; in 1673 he became Prebendary of Rasharkin ; collated 18th June. In a visitation held at Lisburn on August 27th, 1661, the Rector of Blaris is Jeremiah Piddock, Archdeacon, but his title was not produced. His name is found in the Register of Baptisms as he baptized Arthur, son of Sir George Rawdon. The entry is exactly as follows, 1661 "Arthur, ye Sonne of ye Rt. Honble. Major George Rawdon, and Dorothy Rawdon, was borne att Lisnegarvie, on Thursday, the 17th of October, 1661, a little before 7 of the clock in the evening, and was baptized in Lisnegarvie Church by Mr. Archdeacon Piddock, on Sunday, 20th of October. The Rt. Honble. Arthur Earl of Donnegall and Jeremy Lord Bishop of Down, Connor and Dromore being god-fathers and ye Rt. Houble. Anne Millicent Conway his god mother."

This is the Arthur Rawdon who was buried in the old chancel beside his father in 1695. A brass tablet on the floor now marks the place of burial.

I have found it very difficult to get any definite information about Jeremiah Piddock. I had search made in the Record Office before it was burnt, but the result was not satisfactory. There was a Prerogative Will of Richard Piddock, of the city of Dublin, gent., dated 6th February, 1713, but there is nothing in it ''to connect with Jeremiah Piddock. There is also a burial in Derry Cathedral of Thomas Piddook, 20th June, 1642, but here, again, there is nothing to suggest that he was a relative of Jeremiah. The Cathedral Burial register has Elinora Piddock, of Lisburn, buried 6th July, 1689. I do not know why he resigned, but he must have done so, for I find that in 1664 the Rector  was George Rust.

Jeremiah Piddock must be the Archdeacon referred to by Patrick Adair in his "True Narrative" under the name of "Archdeacon Pringdooles." (Page 298; edition y W. D. Killen).

The transformation of the Parish Church to a Cathedral was made when Jeremiah Piddock was Rector. The charter is dated 27th October, in the 14th year of the Reign of Charles II., and if we assume that the years of his reign are counted from the death of his father, the year was 1662. Strange to say, there is nothing about it in the letters of Rawdon to Conway, but the Charter itself is preserved which constitutes the Church for ever as the Cathedral of Down and Connor; previous to this the old Church of Connor, which is one of the most ancient foundations in the Diocese, served as a Cathedral, but though it had been restored by James I, it was not central, and Lisburn was; also, the settlers about Killultagh were nearly all members of the Established Church, which was not the case in the country surrounding Connor. One cannot help thinking that Jeremy Taylor had a voice in the matter, though it is not stated. The question of a Cathedral had evidently been under consideration for a long time; there is, a letter from the Bishop of Down (Henry Leslie) to the Archbishop of Canterbury, dated from Dublin, 24th July, 1637:-"I present you with an account of my labours. Since I came I have had many troubles and can say I have fought with beasts. I have now almost settled the rights of my See, and brought my people to conformity. But the greatest work of all, the building of the Cathedral, has not yet been done and cannot be without some general purse, or his Majesty's favour in granting some part of the, fines of the Court of High Commission."

The Cathedral of Down had been in ruins for about 150 years when the Church at Lisburn was constituted the Cathedral of Down and Connor, yet as far as can be judged the Chapter of Down seems to have held on to their own Cathedral, ruinous though it was. There is not a single record of a member of the Chapter of Down being installed at Lisburn, yet the records of Down Parish from 1704 to 1767 tell of three Bishops who were enthroned "in ye Cathedral of Downpatrick." There is also a record of several Deans and Canons who were installed there. It seems to have been the custom to do so up to the restoration of the Cathedral at the end of the eighteenth century, after which the enthronements and installations were done in the restored Cathedral.

THE REV. GEORGE RUST, D.D. (1664-1667).
The Rev. George Rust was also one of the clergy brought from England. He was, like Bishop Jeremy Taylor, a native of Cambridge, and a graduate of the University. He became Fellow of Christ's College in 1649, and M.A. in 1650. He was ordained by Thomas Bishop of Ardfert, 7th May, 1661, and ordained Priest by the same Bishop on the same day. He seems to have been made Dean of Connor immediately after his ordination in succession to Francis Marsh-his patent is dated 3rd August, 1661; he was instituted 31st August, 1661-who was also one of the clergy brought from England and who had been made Dean o� Connor on 8th February, 1661, but resigned it for the Deanery of Armagh in the following June. George Rust became Rector of Island Magee in 1662, and in 1664 Rector of Lisburn, which he continued to hold till he was appointed Bishop of Dromore after Jeremy Taylor's, death in 1667. He was consecrated in Christ Church, Dublin, on 15th December, 1667. He died in December, 1670, and is buried in Dromore Cathedral. It was he who preached the funeral sermon of Hugh Montgomery, 1st Earl of Mount Alexander, at Newtownards, in 1663. He was a most eloquent preacher and his sermon at the burial of Jeremy Taylor is a classic. His reputation is that of being a great man.

He had his good qualities, but he had also very well marked limitations; the impressions gathered from Sir George Rawdon's letters to Conway is that he was almost constantly absent from his parish. He writes from Lisburn, 7th October, 1665, that he is trying to get the Dean's licence and remarks that the Dean should write oftener to the Bishop of Down. Dr. Rust evidently lived in Carrickfergus when he was Rector of Island Magee, and apparently was in no hurry to come to Lisburn, for Rawdon writes from Lisburn, 31st December, 1664: "The Dean says he hath taken leave now of Carrickfergus, and will stay with us." In August, 1665, he was in the West of Ireland. There is a letter from the Archbishop of Armagh (James Margetson) to Lord Conway from which it appears that his Lordship had been writing to get promotion for the Dean. I expect he thought it would be a pleasant way of getting a more diligent pastor at Lisburn.

I find again that Rawdon writes to Conway from Lisburn on the 5th September, 1665: "If the Dean be returned to Ragley, I desire your Lordship to acquaint him with my faithful service and to let us know if he intends to be here again by the end of next month; if not, I desire to know it that we may prevail with somebody to supply the place awhile." In the following month, 21st October, Rawdon writes again : "The Bishop of Down takes it very ill of the Dean; his neglect to write to him and without him (the Bishop) such licences of absence cannot be granted." In March, 1666, Rawdon again writes to Conway: "No dispensation of longer absence will be granted to the Dean of Connor or any other clergyman of Ireland." On the 25th April, he writes again : "I have newly got yours of the 5th and 17th, and that enclosed from the Dean of Connor, whose leave of absence, can no longer be obtained." There is a letter from Rust to Conway, which is not pleasant reading : " I thought Ireland a pleasant country and Lisburn a delightful place, but now I see it was your presence made it so. The sun does not shine as it used to do when you were here, and the verdure of the fields is not the same. I love my dear Lord as my Guardian Angel." His translation to Dromore caused a vacancy in Lisburn. In confirmation of his frequent absence his name does not once appear in the Registers.

THE REV. JAMES MACE (1668-1670).
After Dr. Rust had been made Bishop of Dromore, there was anxiety amongst the Cathedral people about his, successor. Two positions held by him were vacant: the Deanery of Connor, and the Incumbency of Lisburn. And this was just the difficulty, because he was rector of Lisburn when he was appointed Bishop, the Crown had the right of presentation to the living, and Rawdon began to fear that the patronage might for the time be lost.

The following letter from Rawdon to Conway explains the situation. It 's dated from Lisburn, 21st September, 1667:-"June promotion's, our Dean being promoted to a Bishopric the King 's to present. I heard last post that the Lord Lieutenant had promised his chaplain, Dr. Sheridan, all that Dr. Rust had in his hands. If so, it will fall out he resides at Carrickfergus (the Corps of his Deanery) and serves us with a curate, and after a while have a Bishopric and then the King present another turn, and so God knows how many after upon this account. Whether this be law and the King prerogative I am not yet convinced or know how it will be prevented. If we had a Bishop living we might have had the Dean of Connor to resign presently, but we have none yet only in nomine . . . I have taken the liberty to write to the Lord Lieutenant, the Primate, the Lord Chancellor, and Secretary Page to say you are the Patron, that the living hath no relation, or kin to the Deanery of Connor, that it is of small value if your Lordship did not add to it, and other reasons of your engaging the late Dean, who came out of England with your Lordship to reside here from his Deanery. I desired none might have any title given but such a person as your Lordship might recommend. I don't know how I shall be answered, but I hope your Lordship will write on the matter to the Lord Lieutenant and the Lord Chancellor. I also. wrote of Mr. Mace's suit and the desire of your sister, the parish, and myself he should be appointed."

Patrick Sheridan, mentioned in this letter, was a remarkable man; he was the son of a Roman Catholic priest converted by Bishop Bedell; he was a Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin., 1660; Rector of Castlenock, 1660; Archdeacon of Dromore 1664. He was now made Dean of Connor and Rector of Carrickfergus 1667. He married Anne Hill, of Hillhall, in 1677 ; he became Bishop of Cloyne in 1679 and died in 1682. He was not appointed Rector of Lisburn though he would have been welcome here; but the Lord Lieutenant had some reason to believe that he would not continue to be acceptable to the Conways; and he allowed Viscount Conway to nominate to the living himself. The man who was nominated was the Rev. James Mace. He had been one of "The Ministers of the Gospel," marked E. (Episcopalian), but permitted to preach during the Commonwealth; he was at Athy and Kilcullen (1657), and in Co. Dawn on tithes subsequently ("The Puritans in Ireland," page 216). He was appointed on the 3rd January, 1668, and instituted 18th February as Rector of Blaris and Vicar of Derriaghy he had been ordained Deacon and Priest by Bishop Jeremy Taylor on the same day as Jeremiah Piddock. 3rd March, 1661 ; he was appointed Prebendary of St. Andrew's, Down, 1664; Prebendary of Dunsford, 22nd March, 1661, and was Chancellor of Down 13th April, 1663. As Chancellor of Down he was Rector of Portaferry, and was present at the funeral of Hugh Montgomery at Newtownards, 1693. (See Montgomery Manuscripts, page 251). He was born in Cambridge; educated at the Perse School by Mr. Crabbe; admitted Sizar at Trinity College, Cambridge, 10th September, 1650; Matriculated, 1651; B.A., 1653; M.A., 1656.He seems to have been Rector of Ballinderry before coming to Lisburn, for Rawdon writing to Conway about him 24th December, 1661, says:-"If you admit him I "think I could get a hopeful young man to be content with the three small parishes he now supplies, and will endeavour for such another at Ballinderry." The following children of his appear in the Baptismal Register: ---Samuel, 7th October, 1663; George, 26th June, 1668; Conway, 25th August, 1669,; Mary, 20th October, 1662.

Conway Mace, son of Elizabeth Barry, Dublin, became a goldsmith's apprentice in 1686; from this it would appear that James Mace's wife was Elizabeth that she married secondly - Barry; probably Elizabeth Mayne ( ?), whose prerogative marriage licence to Richard Barry is dated 1671.

J. Moore Johnston in his book, "Heterogenea," says that. his great grandfather, John Johnston, married a voice of the Rev. James Mace, Rector of Lisburn.

His term as Rector of Lisburn was not long. On 31st August, 1670, Rawdon writes to Conway that Mr. Mace was very ill; and as usual he is already considering who his successor will be. Here are the words of the letter:-"Mr. Mace is in such a violent fever that his recovery is not expected. If God should call him away I don't know where so rare a preacher can be had as Mr. Clulo, of Down, a single man of singular good life and modesty and a profound scholar."

On the same day Lady Rawdon wrote to her brother Viscount Conway:-"Mr. Mease (Mace) is, I fear, dying. He was insensible yesterday, but is sensible to-day. He will be a great loss, and his wife and children will be left in a sad condition."

In The Burial Register, the following is found: "James Mace, Rector of this Parish of Lisburne, was buried September ye 11th. 1670."

On the 16th October, 1670, Rawdon wrote to Conway "Mr. Mace is only dead a month and our neighbours ministers supply us every Sunday by the Bishop's favour till we get a good man, which Mr. Clulo, I think is. If the presentation is delayed we may get a part of next year's profit for Mrs. Mace and the children, who are destitute." The living was still vacant on 22nd November, for Rawdon wrote again to Conway:-"I have not pitched on anyone yet for our pulpit in Lisburn. I cannot get any better than Mr. Clulo. The Primate recommends him, and he has another living better than ours." However, as we shall see, it was not Mr. Clulo who was appointed, but the Rev. Joseph Wilkins.

After the death of the Rev. James Mace we no longer have the Calendar of State Papers to refer to, as they are not published, so our notes of the Rectors of Lisburn will have to depend for material principally on the Parish Registers. This will be more interesting, perhaps, as it will give a record of many of the Parish events that occurred during each man's ministry. Still, we shall miss those letters of Sir George Rawdon, so full of detail about the early days of the town and Cathedral, and so full of zeal for their good ; and, it might be added, so full of determination that nothing would pass from the hands of himself and Lord Conway.

We have seen that. Rawdon was anxious to have Mr. Clulo appointed, and that the Primate recommend him. Yet, for some reason which I cannot ascertain, he was not the man who succeeded James Mace. The living of Lisburn was given to the Rev. Joseph Wilkins, who was instituted in 1671. He was a distinguished scholar-a Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. co-opted l0th September, 1661, after the Restoration: Vice-Provost, 1670; Doctor of Divinity, May 19th, 1693: Dean of Clogher, 1682. He had been a Junior Fellow of Trinity College in 1656, and possibly lost his place there during the Commonwealth, but was co-opted at the Restoration, 27th August, 1661. He resigned and came to Lisburn in 1671 : he was also Vicar of Derriaghy. His wife was "Mistress Mary Tandy," to whom he was married in the Cathedral, on 23rd April, 1674. She was almost certainly a daughter of the Rev. Philip Tandy. and therefore a niece of Sir George. Rawdon. He was buried in Lisburn on 22nd May, 1716, aged 82 years. His wife was also buried there on 30th November, 1681. He had two daughters -Mary, and Joanna who died young her burial is recorded in the Register on 5th June, 1683, and a son, George, who, as we shall see, succeeded him. There was also a son, Joseph, who was buried on 5th September, 1681. Judging by the Registers he was a very faithful pastor, who attended carefully to every detail of the work; and quite manifestly he wrote the entries in the Vestry Book himself. His accounts are full of interesting detail. There was a legacy to "The poor English inhabitants of ye town of Lisburn" left by William Hoole (or Hull), and he carefully notes each year how he and Mr. Haslam, his curate, distributes it. I find, for example, that on June 6th, 1694, "Given to Mrs. Hacket to help to bear the charges of transporting herself and two children into England, 12 shillings." "To a poor Dutch woman, 6d."

There are also some entries reminiscent of former modes of thought; for example, Joseph Wilkins writes down and puts his initials to the fact that "Margaret Masden of Lisburn had a testimony concerning ye King's evill." This was a. power which the kings of England were supposed to have inherited from Edward the Confessor. Charles II. is said to have touched 100,000 persons for it, which is interesting, as it shows how prevalent disease was in his day. Queen Anne was the last Monarch of England to exercise this power.

He also took splendid care of the Church building and grounds. On 19th April, 1697, it was decided by the Vestry "to raise �60 for the repair of the church and churchyard of Lisburn; also for enlarging the said church and other pious uses." The method of raising money in those days was different. from what it is now. There were no sales of work ; it was a tax applotted on the inhabitants of the parish. In this case the Parish of Lambeg was also laid under tribute. Next year, 25th April, 1698, I suppose to continue the work. the sum of �52 was raised; again in 1700, on 12th June, a further sum of �33 6s 8d was raised ; and again in 1701, on the 8th July, a sum of �15 was raised: and again in 1706, on the 3rd April, a sum of �30 was raised; and this latter sum was to be "laid out in , shingling, flagging, and ceiling the Chancel." The old Cathedral was undoubtedly in good repair, and it must have been with a sad heart Joseph Wilkins made the following entry: -"Memorand on the 20th day of April, 1707, the town of Lisburn, with the church and castle, were consumed by an accidental fire." It occurred an a Sunday; the fire began while the people were in church.: it has frequently been described. Our thoughts turn now to the Rector; how dreadfully he must have suffered to see the Cathedral, on which he had bestowed such care, enveloped in flame. His own house, too, was, of course, destroyed. But like the careful, good man that he was, he saved the Registers, and for that alone his name should not be forgotten.

He was not downhearted. At a. Court of Vestry "held on 22nd June, 1708, in the church of Lisburn" -which, I suppose, had in the meantime undergone some repairs-it was decided to rebuild immediately, and on the 20th of August, 1708, "The foundation of the new church of Lisburn began to be laid."

Then at a Vestry held 17th day of August, 1710, it was decided to raise �200, to be applotted upon the parishioners and inhabitants of Lisburn and Lambeg for repairing the church. They also decided to use the capital sun of �100, which was lying in the hands of Mr. Corneilus Crymble, of Carrickfergus, for the use of the poor. They paid 8 per cent. interest, and undertook to restore the capital. The work evidently was not completed in 1714, for we find that at a Vestry held on 31st August that year, it was decided to raise �60.

It should also be recorded that during, these anxious years the Cathedral Vestry had consideration for others. On the 31st August, 1713, they collected �4 2s 6d for the relief of the parish of Castlelyons in the County of Cork; and on the 22nd January, 1714, �3 3s 0d for the relief of the inhabitants of the town of Navan. They also collected �4 4s 11d for relief of the Palatines. It is also pleasant to record that other parishes came to the aid of Lisburn in the day of her distress. A sermon was preached in St. Clement Danes, a copy of which is in the Cathedral Vestry, in aid of the sufferers by the fire. The same occurred in other English churches. the Parish of Middleton, Saxmundham, contributed 2s 7d, and I am sure Irish churches also gave, though we have no list of them.

There is an interesting memorandum, dated 12th June, 1700-"At the same Vestry held the day and year above written, it was agreed and ordered that a wall of stone and lime, eight foot high, without any door or windows, should be built on the north side of the churchyard of Lisburn, and that about four yards of ground should be lent and allowed for the convenience of the tenements near the said wall, which ground so lent and allowed doth still of right belong to the said churchyard."

It. is easy to see how a right of this kind would in time be abused, and so we find that at a meeting held on 1st November, 1710, the Vestry found it necessary to assert their right to this ground outside the wall and to threaten that if the privilege they had given was abused the wall might be pulled down.

There is another memorandum to the effect that "The small tenement of stone and lime, covered with slate, lying upon the east side of the churchyard of Lisburn, and being a part and. corner of the said churchyard, was built by the Rev. Joseph Wilkins, Rector of the Parish of Lisburn, for the use of the Sexton of the said church ; to be disposed of by the Rector and church wardens of the same, for the said use. Begun May 19, 1712. Finished August 16, 1713." It would seem that the Bishop of the Diocese lived in Lisburn during this time. "Edward Down and Connor" frequently attended the Vestry meetings and signed his name to the minutes, as it was the custom then for every member to do. This Bishop was Edward Walkington. His burial is recorded on January 10th, 1698-"The Rt. Rev. Father in God Lord Bishop of Down and Connor was interred in the north side of the choir close by the wall."

The entry of Dr. Wilkins' burial is as follows: "The Rev. Joseph Wilkins, D.D., Dean of Clogher and Rector of this Parish, buried May 22nd, 1716." The writing, I believe, is that of his son George. There is a side note giving his age as 82. There is no note of the place of burial. Dr. St. George told me more than once that before the building of the present chancel there was a gravestone with the name of a former Rector named Wilkins on the ground floor. I have searched for it many times but have never found it.

The Rev. Joseph Wilkins was succeeded by his son, the Rev. George Wilkins, who was baptized in the Cathedral on 22nd July, 1675. He became a scholar of Trinity College, Dublin, in 1696, B.A. 1697, and M.A. in 1700. The first entry in the Vestry Book with the signature George Wilkins is dated 22nd April. 1717. He was appointed Rector of Lisburn in 1716. The date on the Cathedral Memorial Window is 1718, but this is evidently an error. He had previously been Rector of Glenavy from 1709 to 1716. There was a meeting of the Vestry held in 1727 in "Ye Parish Church of Blaris by ye minister and churchwardens." It is not signed by George Wilkins, but by Thomas Finley. who evidently was a curate. Two sons of George Wilkins were baptized in the Cathedral--John, 16th April, 1716; and James, 9th October, 1718. A daughter of his was married to John Lee, of Limerick, whose mother was Helena Dowdall, of County Limerick. Through this family of Lee the Haslam manuscript came to the late Mr. R. R. Belshaw, who presented it to Canon Pounden. This book is now in the Cathedral Vestry, and its chief interest consists of a short contemporary account of King William the Third's visit to Lisburn on his way to the Boyne.

George Wilkins' burial is not recorded in the Register, but he probably died, or resigned, between 25th June, and 12th July, 1727. There are two vacant pages in the Register between those dates, and then the entries by the Rev. Anthony Rogers begin.

During his time as Rector money was not so freely spent on the Cathedral. On 22nd April, 1717, it was suggested that �190 should be raised by a tax on the inhabitants of Lisburn and Lambeg for repairing of ye Church and Churchyard, and other pious uses. There would seem to have been some dissatisfaction either with the tax or the manner of applotting it, for at a Court of Vestry held on 21st November, 1717, it was decided that the tax should be not on every person, but on the land; according to the number of acres. But even this was not successful, for on the 19th September, 1722, it was stated at the Vestry that the money was not yet raised and the churchwardens were directed to press the matter, and again in 1726 it was just the same, the money was still unpaid and the churchwardens again were urged to proceed to recover it. The Incumbency of the Rev. George Wilkins was comparatively unimportant. Yet the work of the Vestry seems to have been faithfully done. Each year the surveyors were appointed to look after the roads, and the poor were paid their allowances. The accounts are not as fully kept as they were in his father's time.