THE LISBURN BY-ELECTION OF 21 FEBRUARY 1863
A LIST OF VOTERS
The Lisburn by-election of February 1863 was called for by
the resignation of Jonathan Richardson, who had held the seat as a Conservative,
since 1857. Of the two candidates, John Dougherty Barbour (son of Hilden mill
owner William Barbour) was a Radical, Edwin Wingfield Verner a Tory. Lisburn
itself was a staunchly Tory town. The by-election reached an all-time low in
political chicanery and graft. Hilden House, the Barbour family seat, became a
virtual prison camp for nine days before the election, as twenty voters were
wined, dined, amused and kept in a state of perpetual intoxication, to secure
their votes for Barbour. Barbour, in fact, won by six votes but was suspended
and unseated in the following June, on charges of coercion and bribery of voters
(note the remarks about payment to voters, which John Rea refers to in the
Appendix). For information on the by-election, see J. F. Burns, 'Jigging to the
fiddle at Hilden. An infamous Lisburn by-election recalled', Lisburn
Historical Society Journal, vol. 5, December 1984. An article on Barbour, by
the present writer, also appears in the same volume. It is not known from where
this list of voters originated. It is thought, however, to have been given to
the Society some years ago by J. Millar Allen, a Lisburn solicitor.
Trevor Neill
Editor's Note
John Rea, a Belfast solicitor, whose acerbic and amusing
observations are appended to this list of voters, was a well-known character
during the second half of the 19th century. Strongly anti-Tory, he spent
considerable energy trying to break up the Conservative party in Ulster.
Unstable and quarrelsome, he frittered away his ability in local squabbles and
ended his life mistrusted by all political parties. He committed suicide on 17
May 1881, at the age of fifty-nine.
at the
LISBURN ELECTION
Held on 21st February, 1863:
WITH A FEW OBSERVATIONS THEREON
by
JOHN REA
1863
CANDIDATES:
EDWARD WINGFIELD VERNER, Esquire - Proposed by Jonathan
Richardson Esq., of Glenmore, and seconded by Mr. Redmond Jefferson, of Bow
Street.
JOHN DOUGHERTY BARBOUR, Esquire-Proposed by Mr. Hugh
McCall, Pawnbroker, and seconded by Mr. James Mussen, Cross Row, Calico-seller.
ELECTORS WHO VOTED FOR MR.
BARBOUR
|
1 William Chapman |
Seymour Street |
71 Alex Titterington |
Market Square |
|
2 Thomas Coon |
do. |
72 Patrick Woods |
do. |
|
3 Samuel Kennedy |
do. |
73 Samuel Wright |
do. |
|
4 James Kidd |
do. |
74 George Beattie |
do. |
|
5 Thomas Killen |
do. |
75 John Anderson |
do. |
|
6 James Knox |
do. |
76 John Bell |
do. |
|
7 JamesMillen |
do. |
77 George Carlisle |
Piper Hill |
|
8 James Turner |
do. |
78 Samuel Hall |
do. |
|
9 David Wilson |
do. |
79 Michael Savage |
do. |
|
10 Jas. B. Brown, Tailor, |
Castle Street |
80 Thomas Magee |
Smithfield |
|
11 W. S. Darkin |
do. |
81 Edward Savage |
do. |
|
12 John Doherty |
do. |
82 James Savage |
do. |
|
13 James Friars |
do. |
83 James Crawford |
Market Lane |
|
14 Dr. J. J. Kelso |
do. |
84 Robert Miller |
do. |
|
15 Dr. Samuel Musgrave |
do. |
85 John Brown |
Bow Street |
|
16 Mathew McCloy |
do. |
86 James Cairns |
do. |
|
17 Robert McConnell |
do. |
87 John Finlay |
do. |
|
18 Mathew J. Smyth |
do. |
88 George Geoghegan |
do. |
|
19 Dr. Wm. Thompson |
do. |
89 James A. Green |
do. |
|
20 James Turtle |
do. |
9U John K. Green |
do. |
|
21 George Wilson |
do. |
91 Rev. John Harkin |
do. |
|
22 Thos. Breathwaite Tailor, |
Railway St |
92 George Robert
Hill |
do. |
|
23 Joseph Bell |
do. |
93 John King |
do. |
|
24 David Carlisle |
do. |
94 Timothy Loughlin |
do. |
|
25 Edward Higginson |
do. |
95 John Laverty |
do. |
|
26 James Mussen |
do. |
96 Thomas Laverty |
do. |
|
27 Henry Nugent |
do. |
97 Author Macrtney |
do. |
|
28 John Stevenson |
do. |
98 Hugh McCall |
do. |
|
29 William Williamson |
do. |
99 Daniel McLernon |
do. |
|
30 Rev. Mr. Bickerdith |
do. |
100 Robert Reid |
do. |
|
31 Arthur Atkinson |
Bridge SL |
101 James Rice |
do. |
|
32 Jos. Balmer |
do. |
102 John Rice |
do. |
|
33 Peter Convery |
do. |
103 Clarke Rice |
do. |
|
34 Robert Cordner |
do. |
104 J. J. Richardson |
do. |
|
35 Edward Donaghey |
do. |
105 Robert Waterhouse |
do. |
|
36 William Dunwoody |
do. |
106 George Wilson |
do. |
|
37 John Fitzpatrick |
do. |
107 Robert Wilson |
do. |
|
38 John Heaney |
do. |
108 William Young |
do. |
|
39 George Maxwell |
do. |
109 Samuel Young |
do. |
|
40 Henry McGann |
do. |
110 Samuel Bennett |
Auto, Lane |
|
41 Hugh McCaughey |
do. |
111 John Brownlee |
Hillsborough Rd. |
|
42 Samuel McConnell |
do. |
112 William Brownlee |
do. |
|
43 Joseph McKnight |
do. |
113 Patrick Mulholland |
do |
|
44 Wm. John Reynolds |
do. |
114 Arthur Ferris |
Chapel bill |
|
45 Scott Hamilton |
do. |
115 Charles Maguire |
do. |
|
46 William Walsh |
do. |
116 John Orr |
do |
|
47 Peter Walsh |
do. |
117 William Brady, Sen. |
Longstone |
|
48 Henry Watson |
do. |
118 William Brady, Jun. |
do. |
|
49 Francis Williamson |
do. |
119 Thomas Donaghan |
do |
|
50 Robert Wilson |
do. |
120 John McDonald |
do. |
|
51 Michael Woods |
do. |
121 William Neill |
do. |
|
52 Wm. John Young |
do. |
122 John Phillips |
do. |
|
53 James Boyd |
Market Square |
123 Rev. Edward Kelly |
do. |
|
54 Dr. John Campbell |
do. |
124 Robert Barbour |
Lisnagarvey |
|
55 William Connelly |
do. |
125 Thomas Kennedy |
do. |
|
56 George Duncan |
do. |
126 Robert Kennedy |
do. |
|
57 William Remnant, |
do. |
127 James Barbour |
Hilden |
|
58 Russel Kennedy |
do. |
128 William Barbour |
do. |
|
59 Henry Major |
do. |
129 Robert Ardill |
do. |
|
60 Dr. Michael Meharg |
do. |
130 James Allister |
Largymore |
|
61 John Miller |
do. |
131 William Johnston |
do. |
|
62 Robert Mussen |
do. |
132 John Long |
do. |
|
63 David McBlain |
do. |
133 William John Magee |
do. |
|
64 Joseph McClure |
do. |
134 David Brady |
Old Warren |
|
65 Thomas McCreight |
do. |
135 Thomas Herrald |
Back Lane |
|
66 John McIntyre |
do. |
136 Thomas Dornan |
Linen Hall Street |
|
67 Lee McKinstry |
do. |
137 Albert Dawson |
Island Mill |
|
68 Bryson Pelan |
do. |
138 Samuel Shaw |
Belfast |
|
69 James Phillips |
do. |
139 Alexander Richardson |
Lambeg |
|
70 James Savage |
do. |
140 Philip F. Richardson |
do. |

ELECTORS WHO
VOTED FOR MR. VERNER
|
1 Thomas Dornan |
Seymour Street |
71 William Stevenson |
Bow Street |
|
2 Rev. H. Hodson |
do. |
72 George Thompson |
do. |
|
3 William Newell |
do. |
73 William Tumblety |
do. |
|
4 Rev. R. L. Scott |
do. |
74 Win. John Vaughan |
do. |
|
5 John Backas |
Castle Street |
75 William Corry |
Antrim Lane |
|
6 John Birney |
do. |
76 Arthur Johnston |
do. |
|
7 James Bolton |
do. |
77 James Bannister |
Antrim Road |
|
8 Moses Bullick |
do. |
78 James Corken |
do. |
|
9 lames Ward Coulson |
do. |
79 George Campbell |
Hillsborough Rd. |
|
10 John Cree |
do. |
80 William Taylor |
do. |
|
11 Rev. R. A. Devcrs |
do. |
81 Robert Bell |
Chapel Hill |
|
12 Edward Johnston |
do. |
82 John Bell |
do. |
|
13 Joshua Pim |
do. |
83 Richard Braithwaite |
do. |
|
14 Alexander McKinsey |
do. |
84 William Galloway |
do. |
|
15 Robert Thompson |
do. |
85 William Hanna |
do. |
|
16 Lucas Waring |
do. |
86 John Hermon |
do. |
|
17 John Graham |
Railway Street |
87 William Singleton |
do. |
|
18 Hugh Kelly |
do. |
88 William Dempsey |
Longstone |
|
19 Wm. John Knox |
do. |
89 James Lappen |
do. |
|
20 William Stuart |
do. |
90 James Laverty |
do. |
|
21 James Allester |
Bridge Street |
91 Thomas McClusky |
do. |
|
22 Alexander Downey |
do. |
92 William McDonald |
do. |
|
23 Andrew Johnston |
do. |
93 Samuel Stevenson |
do. |
|
24 Carl Klinger |
do. |
94 Robert Blackburn |
Knockmore |
|
25 George McCullough |
do. |
95 Joseph Blackburne |
do. |
|
26 Robert McCully |
do. |
96 *George Briggs |
do. |
|
27 James Verner |
do. |
97 Robert Corbitt |
do. |
|
28 Robert Willis |
do. |
98 James S. Dawson |
do. |
|
29 Carlisle Wilson |
do. |
99 John Golden |
do. |
|
30 Samuel Young |
do. |
100 Joseph Gordon |
do. |
|
31 Edward Boomer |
Market Square |
101 George Hodgin |
do. |
|
32 William Graham |
do. |
102 John McBride |
do. |
|
33 John Kinghan |
do. |
103 Ralph Orr |
do. |
|
34 David Mack |
do. |
104 James Parke |
do. |
|
35 Matthew Mussen |
do. |
105 John Pocks, |
Tonagh |
|
36 Adam McClure |
do. |
106 Thomas Johnston |
do. |
|
37 George McIlroy |
do. |
107 Robert Knuckle |
do. |
|
38 Jacob Bannister |
do. |
108 Francis Turner |
do. |
|
39 James Bell |
do. |
109 Edward Wylie |
do. |
|
40 George Bell |
do. |
110 James Doyle |
Lisnagarvey |
|
41 Henry Bell |
Smithfield |
111 Patrick Gelson |
do. |
|
42 Daniel Giant |
do. |
112 John Major |
do. |
|
43 Wm. Henry Lavery |
do. |
113 William Wilson |
do. |
|
44 George Wilson |
do. |
114 David Graham** |
Largymore |
|
45 William Watson |
Market Street |
115 William Blackburn |
de. |
|
46 Thomas McBride |
do. |
116 Adam Blackburn |
do. |
|
47 Robert Munce |
do. |
117 Edward Hogg |
Old Warren |
|
48 Hugh Kain |
do. |
118 Robert McCann |
do. |
|
49 Arthur Gamble |
do. |
119 Charles Gribben |
do. |
|
50 John Allester |
Bow Street |
120 William Conn |
Back Lane |
|
51 James Allen |
do. |
121 Thomas McBride |
Magheralave |
|
52 Gilbert Armstrong |
do. |
122 William Wilson |
do. |
|
53 David Beatty |
do. |
123 John Pennington Sen. |
Magheralave Road |
|
54 John Belshaw |
do. |
124 John Pennington Jun. |
do. |
|
55 John Boomer |
do. |
125 Rev. Thos. Cosgrave |
Lambeg Glebe |
|
56 James Clarke |
do. |
126 Henry John Garrett |
Warren Cottage |
|
57 Henry Dickey |
do. |
127 Joseph Hull |
James Street |
|
58 Alexander Hanna |
do. |
128 Samuel Johnston |
Johnston', Entry |
|
59 Wm. John Harvey |
do. |
129 William Maule |
Town View |
|
60 Thomas Harvey |
do. |
130 Jonathan Richardson |
Gamma, |
|
61 Thomas Jefferson |
do. |
131 William H. Ward |
London |
|
62 Redmond Jefferson |
do. |
132 William Wilson |
Ballymacross |
|
63 John Jordan |
do. |
133 William Gregg |
Derryvolgie |
|
64 John Kain |
do. |
134 John G. Richardson |
Moyallen |
|
65 James Lappen |
do. |
|
|
|
66 Robert Lynass |
do. |
* See Appendix |
|
|
67 Denis Munce |
do. |
** |
|
|
68 David McNight |
do. |
|
|
|
69 Thomas R. Pelan |
do. |
|
|
|
70 Thomas Savage |
do. |
|
|

The
following were neutral, and did not vote:
(c. Conservative;
L. Liberal;
R. Radical)
| 1c. |
Rev. W.
Carther |
Castle St. |
17 c. |
Arthur
Gamble |
Bow
Street |
|
2c. |
John
McClure |
do. |
18 c. |
Rev.
James Johnston |
do. |
|
3c. |
John
Richardson Sen. |
do. |
19 c. |
Alexander
Kerman |
do. |
|
4c. |
Very Rev.
Dean Stannus |
do. |
20 c. |
John
Ruddy |
do. |
|
5c. |
Thomas
Stannus |
do. |
21 c. |
Robert
Stewart |
do. |
|
6c. |
George
Stephenson |
do. |
22 c. |
Reney
Bonner |
do. |
|
7c. |
Rev. W.
E. Breakey |
Railway
St. |
23 c. |
James
Brown |
Longstone |
|
8c. |
James
Maze |
do. |
24 c. |
Thomas
Fawcett |
do.
|
|
9c. |
Hugh
Seeds |
do. |
25 c. |
Robert
Allister |
Largymore |
|
10e. |
James A.
Stewart |
do. |
26 c. |
Hugh Con. |
Linenhall
St. |
| 11L |
George Wilson |
do. |
27 c. |
James McKeown |
Millbrmk |
|
12c. |
Wm. Tom, |
Bridge St. |
28 c. |
John
Owden |
Brooklands |
|
13r. |
Wm. B,B |
do. |
29 c. |
Alex.
Riddell |
Belfast |
|
14L. |
James
Halliday |
do. |
30 c. |
Jonthn.
Richardson |
Lambeg |
|
15c. |
James
Silcock |
Market Sq. |
31 c. |
John
Richardson |
da. |
|
16c. |
Wm.
Coulson |
do. |
32 c. |
W. T.
Stannus |
Manor
House |

LEFT TOWN
|
1. John Gardiner, Australia |
2. Win. H. Reilly, Australia |
3. John McKnight, America |
DEAD
|
1. John Brady, Longstone'
|
3. John Hill, Lambeg South.
|
|
2. Thomas Corry, Chapel Hill*
|
4. William
Richardson, Belfast.
|
| For Mr. Barbour |
140 |
| Neutral |
32 |
| Dead |
4 |
| Left town |
3 |
| Total on List |
313 |
* JOHN BRADY & THOMAS CORRY -The two sons of Brady and
Carry were carried off to Hilden, kept there for several days, and then dragged
up to the poll, and made to PERSONATE THEIR DEAD FATHERS for Mr. Barbour. But
Mr. Vemer's friends being aware of their intention, they were watched and
detected, and their disgraceful trick upset, the oath on being put to them being
a pill to hard for them to swallow. Corry was forced against his will, and will
make Barbour pay smart for the trick.
APPENDIX (VOTED
FOR BARBOUR)
10. JAMES B. BROWN (Tailor). - This man of TRUTH and
principle KINDLY promised to Mr. Verner's friends to go out of the road and
remain neutral, provided he was paid £25 for doing so. This MODEST request was
refused. He was then called on by his patron the "Captain" to whom he have his
hand and promise that he would NOT VOTE AT ALL for either party. But, in
accordance with his well-known disposition for TELLING LIES, he afterwards broke
his pledge and voted for Barbour receiving for his vote a promise of support in
trade from the Hildenites, and the handsome little sum of £45 in hard cash to
buy a tailor's goose, a new dress for the wife and playthings for the children.
This HONOURABLE tailor, and his Br. Breathwaite, were most useful in returning
the man who paid them best.
19. DR- WM. THOMPSON -Dr. Thompson made the Conservatives
of Lisburn a most ungrateful return for supporting his friend Colonel Hogg, by
now turning round and voting for Radical Barbour. For shame, Doctor! Shame on
you! YOU'RE NO PROTESTANT.
22. THOMAS BREATHWAITE- This other tailor, so
dependent on the patronage of Dandy Jim, the Cross row rotten,
turn-coat, renegade Orangeman, promised to vote for Verner, stating
that his Protestant PRINCIPLES would not let him support a Radical.
Verner was expecting his promised vote, but like Brown, his worthy
"brother chip", came cantering and prancing into the Square, like a
half-made race horse, at the last hour; and having exhibited himself
in public competition for a short time he was knocked down to Dandy
Jim, the calicoseller, he being the highest bidder, at the moderate
price of £100!!! Jim's well-known preconcerted signal being given,
the tailor swallowed the bait like a hungry pike, and with the
swiftness of an Arab steed he hurried to the booth, with Jim at his
back, and plumbed his vote with a vengence for Barbour. Hurra for
the principles of gentlemen tailors!!
26. JAMES MUSSEN - Got for his vote and doing their dirty
work, the stock of Barbour & Sons, which was valued for the sum of £2,000!!!
34. ROBERT CORDNER - This unprincipled creature, who is
better known as "Chitty, the Methodist Hypocrite", promised to vote for Verner,
but kept the house till the last hour, when, after having HONESTLY effected a
secret sale of his "stock-in-trade" at 40 per cent. over market price, and
victimised Barbour & Sons, he was brought up from Bridge Street with his head
among his feet, like a half-bung rebel; and while ashamed to lift his eyes lest
be should be mesmerised by those of a true Vernite, he plodded His way into the
Radical camp and voted for Barbour, -his nett profit for the job for body soul
and vote being £450 17 6!!
This worthy Methodist hurried home to PRAY OVER IT, and was
heard pouring forth these beautiful words with a fervour, which he with greatest
ease can utter--`I would rather be a doorkeeper in the house of the Lord than
dwell in the tents of wickedness." Wretched hypocritel! He had to get £75 to
lift a bill out of the bank in Lisburn, before he would vote for Colonel Hogg at
last election.
42. SAMUEL McCONNELL- This little scoundrel, who turned
into a lathe, in his own shop, the 1000 bludgeons for Barbour', blackguards to
split the heads of Mr. Verner's friends, got £100 for his vote and villany. In
the evening, after the election was over, he quitely stole to Salem, got down on
his knees, and prayed over it, like his hypocrite neighbour Cordner. His own
sister-in-law and others who happened to be there, were disgusted with his
hypocrisy, knowing as they did, the full extent of his rascality but a few hours
before. He prayed away till language failed him, when at last he grew black in
the face and like a conscience-stricken criminal, cried aloud -"O mercy! merry!
mercy! Woe is me, for I am undone! O wretched man that I am!" He was carried
home on the backs of his friends David Carlisle and ranting, canting, hypocrite
Boyd. The unprincipled conduct of the latter at the last election of Hogg, is
not unknown to most of the people of Lisburn. When they reached Bridge Street,
and these two class-leaders sat down together, to count and laugh over tire
notes of which they had plundered poor Dougherty Barbour!

53 JAMES BOYD -£611 for vote.
66 JOHN McINTYRE- Cost Barbour £100 exclusive of £30, the
amount of a decree under which he was arrested on the morning of the poll.
74 GEORGE BEATTIE -£100 for open house and vote.
85 JOHN BROWN -£80 for vote to buy a horse.
88 GEORGE GEOGHEGAN -£40 for vote.
89 JAMES A. GREEN-This old sinner promised faithfully to
vote for Verner stating that, if he did otherwise, the very bones of his
ancestors would rise up in judgement against him! He broke his promise, however,
and voted for Barbour; and he is now repenting in sackcloth and ashes, sitting
alone in the Bath chair at the four of his garden. Poor old man! the bones are
rising against you!
94 TIMOTHY LOUGHLIN -£75 for vote, and killing Mr. Beatty.
98 HUGH McCALL-£500 for vote, and doing all the dirty work.
100 ROBERT REID - Promised to vote for Verner. vowing that
Barbour’s, PRINCIPLES did not please him; but finding that Barbour's, MONEY was
flowing in abundance, be got on one of his usual drunken "Sprees" hired his
house to the Barbourites, had numerous midnight revelries; and after the Doctor
had delivered him, and the clergy had got him out of bed again, he got for his
rooms, whiskey and vote, £135!! "Well done;" says Reid. "Barbour and the
Butchers for ever!"
Alas, Reid! your PRINCIPLE is your POCKET. You may soon shut
up shop altogether, and take another six weeks' drunken fit under the blankets,
with a gallon of whiskey between your legs. Your money-making days are gone,
never more to return.
121 WILLIAM NEILL (Stewart Hill)-£75 for his vote.
122 JOHN PHILLIPS- Got £40.
123 REV. EDWARD KELLY -£100 for vote, and masses for Old
Charley's soul.
131 WILLIAM JOHNSTON -f40 from "Calcraft," of Bridge End.
132 JOHN LONG-Same amount from "Calcraft."
ADDENDUM
M,CANN'S patent cannon, now well proved to be superior to
the "Armstrong gun," still continues to pour shot, shell, grape and canister
into the ranks of the Radical camp. There is no doubt at all that his powerful artillery will keep up a constant
heavy fire, till he shall not only silence every battery of the enemy, but shall
blow up John Dougherty Barbour through the roof of St. Stephen's, and scatter
his ashes to the winds.
APPENDIX (VOTED FOR VERNER)
' GEORGE BRIGGS - Although INNOCENT George gave his vote al
last to Verner, it is well known that he (like his friend Davy) had previously
DONE THE WORK for Barbour ON THE SLY, and he says he was OFFERED £200 for his
services by one of Barbour's leaders; and some of these brave, jolly fellows
have lately, while inhaling the pleasant fumes of a dozen tumblers of Tom
McCreight's POISON, enjoyed a hearty laugh as they exclaimed - `Well Boys, poor
Barbour paid dear for the roast, for £200 and nothing less, was canny George's
price". But of course SOFT and SIMPLE George could not think of accepting such a
tempting offer, so easily earned, and so seldom to be caught; and at once- while
blushing like a young bride at the altar, with one of his naturally child-like
smiles, a significant look, and a little nod of the head-he begged to be excused
if he declined accepting such a handsome and valuable gift; he hoped that in
doing so he did not offend Mr. Barbour's friend, and politely refused it! To be
sure he did. "Well done", says George. `Hurra! hurra! hurra! "Verner for ever,"
but I'll put Barbour into Parliament!
"Oh Johnny, my darling! you kissed my own cosey wife,
And shoved my £200 down her we (sic) diddy-house".
** DAVID GRAHAM - This TRUE BLUE ORANGEMAN, but better
known as "Calcraft," came out strong at once, and in the house of his friend
Young, in Bridge Street, at eleven o'clock on a Saturday night, declared his
LOYAL principles in good style, having first drowned his Orange colours in a
tumbler of Sam's good brandy, his favourite beverage. Being primed and loaded,
he then fired off, avowing himself a true Barbourite; that he would support
Barbour as far as in his power; that it was the duty of every one to support
him, no matter about his principles; that he would get him ten votes for every
one of Verner's, who, he vowed, would be beaten by a large majority; that the
present Government should be overturned, and Barbour sent to Parliament .
Having so far displayed his LOYALTY to the
Protestant cause, his brother W. J. Wilson took him up warmly, and
accused him of want of principle, and inconsistency as an Orangeman,
and being a traitor to the cause he had been pretending to serve;
and like a real true blue, defended the Protestant cause.
Davy could not any longer stand Wilson's fire, and took to
his heels, through Sam's back door into the yard, attempting to climb over a
shed and reach the graveyard by scaling the wall. However, he soon returned
back, pale as death, and out of breath, giving unmistakeable evidence of having
met the ghost of some departed one, whose repose in the tomb had been disturbed
by the rattle of Davy's PRAYER-BOOK on his grave-being the well-thumbed PACK OF
CARDS, which were exhibited at head-quarters. Orange Sam, or "no surrender,"
then came to his relief, and permitted his departure by another route, and he
flew to Bridge-end in grief.
Having been so useful in procuring the return of his
radical favourite to Parliament, he boasted to his friend James Long that he
could sport £100 of Barbour's money, which he had for eight or ten days in his
pocket: but that as second thoughts were sometimes best, he had quietly handed
it to Robert Kennedy, a near friend of his own candidate, to keep for him till
after the investigations should be over at head-quarters, saying that he did not
care a farthing, should he only "get a hearing" so that he might swear himself
innocent of having any of Barbour's money. In this, however, he was doomed to be
disappointed; for Protestant McCann's never-failing artillery, which he brought
to bear on Davy, was too powerful. The battle was soon fought and the victory
won; and Davy's "prayer-book" sent off to the Royal Museum in London, no longer
to be allowed disturb the ashes of the departed saints.

THE MARKET
HOUSE AND ASSEMBLY ROOMS,
LISBURN1
BRIAN MACKEY
In 1980, the removal of plaster from the ground floor
interior walls of the Assembly Rooms in Market Square, to prepare them for their
new use as Lisburn Museum, led to the exciting discovery of substantial stone
walls with red sandstone arches, plinth and plat band (fig. 1). The walls, three
feet thick, belong to the old market house which, with three arches on north and
south sides and one at the east end, is described in late 18th and early 19th
century sources. 2
The market house was believed to date from the
early 18th century, for Lisburn was rebuilt after a disastrous fire
of 1707, and it was thought that the market house-like the cathedral
across the street -was rebuilt in the following year.3
However, this assumption overlooked a contemporary description of
the fire by the Rev. Alexander McCracken, Presbyterian minister in
Lisburn, which states '... there is not a house standing except the
Market House'. 4 This vital piece of evidence encouraged
a comparison of the market house arches with another semi-circular
archway in Lisburn which was built of the same
red sandstone-the gateway in Castle Gardens. This was the
entrance through the east courtyard wall of Lisburn castle, a 17th
century manor house built by the Conways and also destroyed in the
fire of 1707. The gateway, with its baroque ornamentation, is much
more elaborate that the market house arches but is of importance
because it is dated 1677. This dating proves that this local stone
was used for building in 17th century Lisburn. Substantial
structures were capable of surviving a fire which otherwise could
entirely destroy a town consisting largely of timber framed
buildings. The market house walls are therefore probably of the 17th
century. The establishment of a more specific dating than this
requires an examination of Lisburn's early market development.
Lisnagarvey was established in the second decade of the
17th century as the manorial headquarters of Sir Fulke Conway's newly acquired
Killultagh estate.5 The first map of the town, 'the Grounde Plane of
Lisnegarvey' (c. 1632), shows the street plan devised by Sir Fulke and gives an
architectural outline of the manor house and first church.6 It only
marks with a rectangle the building in the centre of Market Square, thereby
giving no indication of its architectural character. It is labelled as the
schoolhouse and is perhaps the place to which Lord Conway referred in 1629: 'The
school is not yet too full of scholars for one man to manage even though he does
the work of the church also' .7
In 1627, Charles I granted the right of a
weekly market and two fairs in Lisburn to Sir Fulke's brother and
successor, Edward, Viscount Conway and Killultagh.8
Tuesday was fixed as the market day (which it has remained) and the
fairs were to begin on July 10th and September 24th and last for
three days. The surviving Conway papers from these years show their
concern to capitalise on this grant and to see a thriving market
established, but do not refer to the building of a market house .9
Yet one had been erected by 1641, for it was referred to as being
the scene of fierce fighting in the market place during the battle
for Lisnagarvey, in the Irish rebellion of that year. 10
Nothing is known about its design or construction but it can be
surmised that, if it still served as a school, it was a two storey
building with a market area below and a schoolroom above.
However, the connection of the school to the market house
in the market place, based on the first map, may be misleading, as there are no
references to the two being together. Perhaps, when the first market house was
built in the 1630s, the school was moved to another site. In the 1680s, 'the old
schoolhouse' was in serious need of repair and there is nothing in the full
discussion of its state and description of the improvements, to suggest that it
also served as a market house.11 Indeed, in his consideration of the
old school as a new free school for the diocese of Connor, it seems unlikely
that Lord Conway would have agreed to settle the building and its site for
further school development (as the act of Parliament required), if the school
was in the centre of the market place. 12
To return to the subject of the market, letters in 1666 to
Lord Conway from Sit George Rawdon (his principal agent in Lisburn from 1631 to
1684) reveal that a Maurice Griffiths had had a lease of the market tolls and
had built a market house at his own expense: 'As to the market I do not well
remember if Maurice Griffiths lease be out or not, but that house was built
wholly at his charge under which the people place their meal and many other
things stand and wherein is More's most inconvenient shop'.13 (This
'More' is very likely the, Edward Moore who issued a Lisburn trade token in
1666).14 Unfortunately, no mention is made of how long this building
had been erected and no other information can be found on Maurice Griffiths. He
may have been dead by 1669, as his name does not appear in the Hearth Money Roll
of that year.15 It could be that, if he had along lease ( the fact
that Rawdon was unable to remember its details suggests this), he was the
builder of the market house which was in existence by 1641. It is also possible
that if that building was severely damaged in the bitter fighting which took
place in and around it then, that Griffiths's market house replaced it sometime
after that, in the more settled years of the Commonwealth or Charles II's
restoration.
Whatever
the date of erection of Griffiths's building may be, the fact that it existed in
1666 almost certainly relates it to the fascinating representation of the market
house on the John Peers Lisburn trade token (fig. 2). It has been argued
convincingly that this token is not a conventional representation, but a
depiction of an actual building. Certainly, it seems- as has been indicated
16- that the line of semi-circles above the base line represent market
house arcading rather than church windows. Unfortunately, no evidence can be
found to show that Peers, like More, operated from the market house, though this
is most likely. In 1666, at the end of Griffiths's lease, stewardship of the
markets was given to John Totnall, a man of business in Lord Conway's service,
who sublet the collection of the market customs to William Stephens. 17
Rawdon reports on Stephen's death in 1677, explaining that Totnall had £30 a
year rent for him, £20 for himself and £10 for Lord Conway.18 Irish
trade tokens date between 1653 and 1679. The Peers token is not dated, but as it
is marked Lisburn rather than Lisnagarvey, it suggests a dating after 1662,
since the name Lisburn is not found commonly before then.19 Peers's
father was Vicar of Derriaghy in the 1630s and he may have been born in this
neighbouring parish.20
The Hearth Money Rolls of 1669, together with the evidence of his will, shows
that he was at least resident in Lisburn from then until his death in 1700.21
Even if he did not trade from the market house, he had a house in the market
place, so there seems little reason to doubt that what is represented is Lisburn
market house in the 1660s or 1670s. 22

The market house which Maurice Griffiths built, and for
which John Peers seems to have provided such an important illustration, comes
very close to the period in which it might reasonably be expected that evidence
would be found for the building of the present market house. In 1674, Lord
Conway paid £30 for the building of a market house in Warwick, near his English
country house, Ragley Hall.23 Yet in the comparatively full
correspondence of Rawdon to Conway, of these years, there is no mention of a new
market house for Lisburn, even though there are many references to thriving
market development.24 There was not only pride in the many fine
houses being built by prospering townspeople but a desire by Rawdon to play his
part in enhancing the town, by improving the accommodation of the markets. He
wrote to Conway in 1677'... the hill is almost levelled where I intend to place
the butchers stalls that encumber the street and market Place which will enlarge
it for a corn market and make room to draw up a body of horse on occasion.25
The area set aside for the corn market was the triangle formed by the narrowing
of the market place at its west end. 26 By 1680, Rawdon had
accomplished his scheme. The butchers were moved to new accommodation in an area
levelled for them, probably where Smithfield Square is today, '... the new
shambles are very noble and have enlarged the market place, now the butchers
blocks are removed, which were to be wished it could be made bigger, for there
is need of it'.27 In 1683, Rawdon had the market place taken up and
paved and proudly boasted it was the best in Ireland, but made no mention of the
market house 28 Indeed the only reference to it in these years is in
1673 when Rawdon, explaining the effects of a harvest crisis and the expense of
wheat in the market, declared '... want of the old market house, for my granary
has been above £60 loss to Me'. 29 The brevity of this statement
leaves it unclear as to whether the old market house, presumably that built by
Griffiths, was still there or whether Rawdon was just unable to store grain in
it because it was given over to another use.
In the apparent absence of any other information on the
market house in the late 17th century, consideration has to be given to the
remarkable possibility that the market house built by Maurice Griffiths, and
standing in 1666, is that which survives today. Since it is thought the
Griffiths building is that represented on the John Peers trade token, it seems
reasonable to compare it with the surviving market house. The token shows a
market house with three ground level arches and four first floor circular
windows, which presumably are matched on its opposite side, and a bell tower
rising above roof level at its front. As such, it is of similar basic design to
the present market house, which also has three arches and four first floor
windows (albeit much larger) on each of its long sides; and, as revealed in
renovations to the adjoining houses in 1985, the abandoned base of an old tower.
Having established therefore that both buildings are of the sane basic design,
it is at least possible to believe that the representation on the Peers token is
that of the present market house, whose walls and arches have survived despite
the loss of its original tower, shingled roof, and baroque decoration. It is
unfortunate that such an encouraging comparison has to be set within such an
inconclusive historical framework, for the available evidence does not allow
this fascinating conjecture to be proved one way or the other. All that can
therefore be stated about the market house at the core of the museum building in
Market Square, is that all available evidence points to its being a rare
survival from the 17th century, and that an origin in the second quarter of the
century cannot be dismissed.
Figure 3 is a reconstructed view of the market
house in the 18th century, based on a survey of the building and on
documentary evidence. Nothing is known of the appearance of the
steeple, taken down in 1772, other than the fact it had a clock and
bell. However, the base of a square tower (8' 6" square inside,
rising to roof level) still survives in front of the present cupola.
An account in 1814 explains '..this market house had a handsome
steeple to it, with a clock and bell; but being decayed by length of
time it was taken down about the year 1772, and rebuilt as high as
the roof of the house in which state it remained about 30 years
during the life of the late Marquis ...'s
30 (Francis Seymour-Conway, then 1st Earl of Hertford). The surviving
tower base must therefore be that rebuilt in the 1770s, on the site
of the old steeple and abandoned for the new larger base to the
present cupola, erected in 1808. The old steeple projected from the
front of the market house (fig. 4). 31
This position would have allowed the original roof to have had a
higher central ridge, rather than the present lower triple ridge,
which must have been constructed to accommodate the new cupola (fig.
5).
The west end or 'front' of the market house has been
concealed by houses built up against it since at least the early 18th century.
Jacob Hancock's mortgage of 1710 tells that he built a house in the middle of
the market place. 32 His son John’s lease of 1741 records that he
(the elder Hancock) probably built all the property on the site '... 53 feet
across the front, 82 feet backwards and 53 feet in breadth at the back, as
houses next ajoined in the east to Graingers tenement called McClunes and in the
west to the cornmarket' 33 The property 53 feet by 83 feet is now the
Ulster Buildings. It has been so altered as to give no indication to its age,
apart from the tablet of 1708 commemorating the building of a Lisburn house
after the fire (fig. 6). The red sandstone plaque is now at the north west comer
of the Ulster Buildings but an engraving of 1836 and old photographs reveal that
it was formerly on the prominent west front 34 It was the Quaker
Jacob Hancock who was `the builder' mentioned in its interesting inscription. 'Graingers
tenement, called McClunes' is the property between what was Hancock's and the
market house and whose ground floor is now used for public toilets. Its second
floor was renovated for museum use in 1985 and its old red brick walls confirmed
that it was of at least early 18th century date. It was also during this
renovation that the front of the market house was exposed and shown to have been
built of large blocks of cut red sandstone (fig. 7).
The
market house, as it was in the 18th century, was interestingly described in the
Ordnance Survey Memoir of 1837. 'Grain of every description meal and potatoes
were sold in the market square round the market house ... which was very
accommodating to the public as a shelter and stand for the above commodities,
had three large
arch
gates on either side and one at the cast end through which carts, cats etc.,
could pass on market days and it was also useful on other days in various
respects'.35 Much earlier, in 1778, the building achieved a certain
amount of national celebrity when an anonymous author had a description of
Lisburn published in a Dublin magazine: `At the junction of the three main
principal streets stands a handsome market house with an assembly room over it
fifty feet by twenty five in the clear and a drawing room twenty five feet by
twenty'.36 The assembly room of these dimensions still exists but the
drawing room is difficult to locate. There is nowhere else on the first floor
(in a building which measures 65 feet by 30 feet on the outside) for a separate
room to be. At this time, drawing rooms were often used by older people as
places for card games or relaxation during balls. It may have been above the
assembly room, in the attic of the original roof and have had dormer windows,
for in the light of existing information it seems the only place it could have
been. The assembly room is described in 1837: `on the upper storey is a
beautiful ballroom, ... well lighted by seven large windows and on the west
end
of it a very neat constructed orcaster, or gallery, for the music players to sit
on. Suspended from the ceiling are three handsome chandeliers besides other
accommodation for lighting the room. It is in all other respects well fitted and
affords two fireplaces'.37 Only a fine wooden doorcase with
Corinthian columns and pediment, dating from about 1750, survives from this
elegant era. It was subsequently altered, probably when the 'music players' dais
was removed in the 1888 remodelling of the building. This work entailed
extending the columns to the floor, by insetting fluted pieces three feet long,
and placing a fanlight between the rehung doors and the pediment. The classical
proportions, however, were restored in 1980, with the return of the doorway to
its correct height, by bringing down the original doorcase to the present floor
level (fig. 8).
Market Square 1884 (photo)
The sardonic writer of 1778 reported `... here a genteel
assembly is held every fortnight, and two great balls annually. The profits
arising there from are applied to support the County Infirmary which is in this
town.' The annual subscription was 'one guinea per year, and none but quality
properly introduced, were admitted as subscribers'. The Lisburn `quality' were
defined as 'gentlemen, clergy and linen drapers' by this writer, who, in the
manner of Jane Austen, satirizes their character `... pride being their
principal foible'. 'A lady of quality in this neighbourhood came one evening to
the head assembly in Lisburn, where none but quality are admitted; being asked
her opinion of it, said it was a genteel mob. The ladies in Lisburn were
offended, and really from a lady of the first rank in Ireland such an expression
would be rude and unpolite: But why should not gentlemen and their ladies have
as much licence to despise linen drapers, as the latter those who follow other
trades?’ 38 as Other writers Were much kinder to Lisburn society. The
romantic Henry Bayly. writing in 1834, when the balls in the market house had
ceased, lamented their passing when he related: 'As the Lisburn ladies have long
been proverbial for beauty, what a splendid and fashionable display must then
have adorned the room! Will the days ever come, when the sound of the song and
the dance shall make these walls to ring again!' 39
Dancing was certainly taken very seriously, for
in 1785, the Belfast News Letter announced the opening of a dancing
school every Friday and Saturday in the market house. The dancing
master, Mr. McGrath, pointed out that he had just returned from
Dublin and had collected all the fashionable dances. 40
Another ball in the assembly room was that held annually by the
clergy of the diocese of Down and Connor, at the time of the
Bishop's annual visitation. The charge was a half-crown, with the
profits again supporting the Infirmary. 40 Dinners were
also held. In 1780, the Irish Volunteer Company, the Lisburn True
Blues, dined and entertained their officers in the room after
mustering in the square. It must have been a colourful scene as they
sat around the table in their blue coats, and cheered the speeches
that extolled the Whig virtues of the Glorious Revolution and
Liberty, and responded to the endless toasts which concluded all
such dinners.42
In vivid contrast to these social uses were the occasions when John
Wesley urged repentance and acceptance of new life on the sinners of
the town. On his first of many visits to Lisburn between 1756 and
1789, Wesley preached in the building presumably in the assembly
room. On the 22nd July 1756, he wrote in his journal: `We drove
through heavy rain to Lisburn. I preached in the Market House at
seven'. 43
An event more historic and tragic took place during the
rebellion of 1798. Henry Munro, a Protestant linen draper, who led the United
Irishmen at the Battle of Ballynahinch, was hanged in the market place, in front
of his house. His head was severed from his body and stuck on a pike at the
corner of the market house, where it remained for over a month, as a grim
warning to others not to involve themselves in revolutionary activity.44
At this time, the market house arches were boarded up and the building used as
`... a temporary barrack and stand for the cavalry and infantry occasionally'.45
It was the rebellion which incidentally brought about the first major
changes to the market house, for it is said to have caused a rare visit to
Lisburn by its landlord, then the 2nd Marquess of Hertford.46 He
directed that additions be made to the building to improve its appearance and
facilities. These were carried out in the first decade of the 19th century (fig.
9). The most notable was the building of the
present imposing cupola by David McBlain and his son James. 47
They also designed the spire placed on the cathedral in 1804, thereby giving
Lisburn its distinctive skyline. 48
Yet despite the fact that the 2nd Marquess initiated these works, which greatly
enhanced the town's appearance, it
was claimed he contributed only £750 to the erection of both buildings (£500 for
the church steeple and £250 for the market house). If the spire cost £1,300, the
cupola must have cost at least as much, if not more. A considerable sum had
therefore to be met, by a tax on the town's inhabitants.49 By
whatever means the money was raised, the cupola remains a distinguished
architectural design, and recently merited the following description: `on a
square of dressed free stone with a round headed window in each face stands a
lesser square, with a clock face in each front, framed in paired Corinthian
columns; each pair supports an entablature with a festooned urn; between these
in the stone octagon there are open oels-de-boeuf; topped by a tall octagonal
lantern and finial'.50
On the ground floor, the market house arches were closed up
and new accommodation was added. The addition on the south side, with its new
arcade of five arches, was separated
from the rest of the building and `occupied as stores for the market stalls for
the sale of butter, fowl, eggs and wool’.50
The entrance to the new rooms in the old market area was through the addition on
the north side. According to Henry Bayly, writing in 1834: `A gymnasium has
recently been fitted up in the lower part of the house, and a lending library
(under the care of Miss Magdeline Stewart) has the convenience of one of the
apartments'. One of the most interesting institutions to occupy these new rooms
was the Lisburn News Room

Society: `Founded in the year 1836 by the shopkeepers and
traders of Lisburn who agreed to close their shops at 9.00 p.m., and having
nothing particular to do between that hour and bedtime decided to for a club ...
providing a place in which the men of the town can assemble for either
recreation or a quiet read.' Dean Stannus, Lord Hertford's agent, granted `...
an apartment in the market house recently fitted up as a library and reading
room'.53 This was the `... spacious well fitted news room which
measures 35 feet by 22½ feet inside and is lighted by three windows' which still
exists as the largest room on the ground floor. 54 (From 1889, this
was known as the billiard room, as the News Room Society used it for table games
until they ceased to meet in 1970). The Society resided in the building until
political dissension forced them to withdraw to other premises. In the 1852
parliamentary election, the Marquess of Hertford's nominated candidate was a Mr.
Inglis from Scotland but members of the News Room supported their own candidate,
Mr. Roger Johnston-Smyth, who lived in Castle Street. The local candidate won by
99 votes to 87. As a result, Dr. McCartney, Secretary of the News Room, received
the following letter: 'Dear Sir, Be so good as to notify to the meeting that the
use of the news room will be discontinued on and after the 1st February next.
Yours very truly James Stannus.' A Conservative News Room Society met in their
place until 1889, when they were amalgamated, with Sir Richard Wallace's
agreement that they could return to the building on a non-sectarian and
non-political basis." In 1936, they held their centenary dinner in the assembly
room, on a night still poignantly remembered by one present, as that of Edward
VIII's abdication.56
In 1888, the market house (henceforth known as the Assembly
Rooms) was remodelled and embellished in its present style (fig. 10). This added
four rectangular towers to the first floor, with large arch headed windows
matching those existing at that level, and provided a second stairway to the
assembly room in the new south east corner. Since the building's market function
was now ended, the five open arches on the south side were closed up by two
pairs of double leaf doors with semi-circular fanlights and by three rounded
headed windows. Uniformity of window style was achieved by changing the rest of
the ground floor windows to this round-headed type. Balustrading, stucco
mouldings and other ornamentation completed the new Italianate exterior which,
it has recently been observed, `gave the building a full measure of
three-dimensional strength which its important position undoubtedly merits'.
57
The remodelling, which included new illuminated clock dials and a bell for the
cupola, cost Sir Richard Wallace £2,000.58 It was the last of his
three main building projects in Lisburn and like the others, Castle House and
the Courthouse, seems to have been directed by his estate surveyor John
MacHenry.59 The works were well received, with the Lisburn Standard
commenting that `... the result affords the clearest evidence of Sir Richard's
desire to have the entire undertaking perfected in a style of the most approved
modern workmanship and finish ... it is no merely hackneyed or formal compliment
to say that this imposing fabric is now a real ornament to the town, and one
that, while of diversified practical use as far as the inhabitants are
concerned, is sure to be much admired by strangers who may happen to visit
Lisburn'.60
In 1901, Sir John Murray Scott, heir of Lady Wallace, gave
the Assembly Rooms to Lisburn Urban District Council, for `the benefit of the
inhabitants of the town'.61 This century, new sovereigns and victory
in two World Wars were proclaimed from the balcony and the assembly room was
used for such civic functions as the annual Chamber of Commerce dinners and for
popular entertainment. 62 In 1979, Lisburn Borough Council gave the
building a new purpose by its decision to establish a museum serving the Lagan
Valley locality, a most fitting use considering the market house's remarkable
history. After major restoration and conversion work, the Lisburn Museum was
opened to the public in April 1981. The assembly room was reconstituted to
suggest its appearance in the 18th century, and in September 1985, reopened as a
space for temporary exhibitions and museum events. This work included a
reference library at the cast end of the room, on a new mezzanine balcony with
dental cornice supported by four Corinthian columns (the outside two of which
were salvaged from Lisburn Courthouse, built in 1884 and demolished in 1971). It
is the beginning of a new era for a historic building which for over three
hundred years has been at the heart of the life of the town (fig. 11).
REFERENCES
| 1 |
The subject of this
article was that of Lisburn Museum's opening exhibition in 1981,
entitled `Market House, Assembly Rooms, Museum' and an information sheet
of the same title, published in 1985. The author is grateful to the
following who aided its research; Mr. C. E. B. Brett; Dr. W. H.
Crawford; Mr. R. Heslip (especially for allowing a reading of 'Lisburn
Seventeenth Century Tokens', now published in this journal); Mr. J. H.
F. McCarrison; and Mr. T. Neill. A particular expression of thanks is
given to Mr. H. Dixon, without whose constant advice and encouragement
it could hardly have been written. |
| 2 |
Walker's Hibernian Magazine, 1778, vol. 8, pp.
267-271; Ordnance Survey Memoirs, Blaris Parish, (1837) Royal Irish
Academy, Box 5, Antrim V. |
| 3 |
O.S.
Memoir, Blaris, 5, V (13) p. 110; Lisburn Standard,
19 May 1888. |
| 4 |
W.T.
Latimer (ed.), 'the McCracken correspondence 1707-13',
Royal Soc. of Annul. of Ireland Jn., 5th
Ser., 1906, vol. 16, p. 52. |
| 5 |
J.C.
Erck (ed.), Patent Rolls of Chancery in Ireland,
1846, vol. 1 ii, pp. 594-595, for Sir Fulke Conway's patent of 1609. |
| 6 |
Public Record Office
of Northern Ireland (PRONI): T343/1. |
| 7 |
Calendar of State
Papers Ireland (CSPI) 1625-32, p. 497. |
| 8 |
1.
Morrin (ed.), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls
of Chancery in Ireland in the reign of Charles 1,
1883, p. 311. |
| 9 |
CPSI, 1625-32,
1633-47. |
| 10 |
'History of the War of Ireland' by an officer of the regiment of Sir
John Clotworthy in Rev, J. O'Laverty, Diocese of
Down and Connor, 1880, vol. 2, p. 259. |
| 11 |
Calendar of State Papers Domestic (CSPDJ 1683, pp.
55, 84-85, 123, 149. |
| 12 |
12. CSPD., 1679-80,
p. 518. |
| 13 |
CSPI, 166669, p. 55. |
| 14 |
R. Heslip, 'Lisburn
Seventeenth Century Tokens', this vol. |
| 15 |
PRONI., T307, Hearth
Money Roll, Co. Antrim (1669) Lisburn |
| 12 |
CSPD., 1679-80, p.
518. |
| 16 |
Heslip, op. cit. |
| 17 |
CSPI, 1666-69, p.
95. |
| 18 |
CSPD., 1676-77, p.
548. |
| 19 |
Very Rev. W.P. Carmody, Lisburn Cathedral and its Past |
| 20 |
20. PRONI., T1289/9, Peers family genealogical notes. |
| 21 |
Hearth Money Roll,
op. cit.: PRONI., D2223/29/2 John Peers's will of 19 March 1700. |
| 22 |
Registry of Deeds, Dublin, vol. 50, p. 10, memorial 31851. A mortgage of
1726 for 2 houses in the Market Place `(where the tenement formerly
demised to John Peers stood)'. |
| 23 |
CSPD, 1673-75, p.
321. |
| 21 |
CSPD., vols. dealing
with the period 1670-83. |
| 25 |
CSPD., 1676-77, p.
576. |
| 26 |
Lisburn
Borough Council, Legal Register, document 1, a 1741 lease from Lord
Conway to John Hancock for property in the middle of the market place
which identifies the location of the corn market. |
| 27 |
CSPD., 1680, p. 76. |
| 28 |
CSPD.,
1683, p. 249. An area of cobbling (approximately 10 ft. square) at the
middle market house arch on the south side, was discovered when a wooden
floor was removed in the 1980 renovations. It could hardly be described
as paving and may have been even earlier than Rawdon's work in 1683.
Regrettably the cobbles were taken up before their full significance was
realized. |
| 29 |
CSPD., 1673-75, p.
225. |
| 30 |
(J Gough),
A Tour of Ireland in 1813 and 1814 by an Englishman,
1817, p. 28. |
| 31 |
Plan
drawn from survey and - Lisburn B.C., Legal Reg., dust. 2, `Houses in
Lisburn the property of Was. 1. Hancock ... 1836 ; PROM., O.S. 9/17/2,
Ordnance Survey 1:500 town plan, Lisburn, sheet 7, 1861, revised in
manuscript 1876. |
| 32 |
Registry of Deeds,
Dublin, vol. 10, p. 11, memorial 2938. |
| 33 |
Lisburn B.C., Legal
Reg., dot. 1, op. tit. |
| 34 |
An
engraving, titled erroneously, 'Lisburn Cathedral and Townhall”, in
Dublin Penny Journal, supplement to vol. 4; Nat. Lib. of Ire., Lawrence
coll., C. 1778; Ulster Folk and Tran. Mus.. W.A. Green coll. 865. |
| 35 |
O.S.M. Blaris, op.
tit., 5, V (13) 84. Note that by the 1830s, what was called the Market
Place since the early 17th century, had become known as Market Square. |
| 36 |
Walker's, op. tit.,
p. 168. |
| 37 |
O.S.
Memoir Blaris, op. cit.. 5, V (13) p. 77. |
| 38 |
Walker's, op. tit.,
pp. 168-270- |
| 39 |
H. Bayly, A
Topographical and Historical Account of List, ... ..., 1834, p. 41. |
| 40 |
Belfast News Letter,
18 Feb. to 25 Feb. 1785. |
| 41 |
(Gough), op. cit.,
p. 30. |
| 42 |
Belfast News Letter,
11 April 1780. |
| 43 |
G.E. Off, Lisburn
Methodism, 1975, p. 9. |
| 44 |
W.E.H.
Lecky, History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century.
1892, vol. 4, pp. 420-424; T.G.F. Paterson, 'Lisburn and Neighbourhood
in 1798' in Ulster Journal of Archaeology,
3rd Set., 1938, vol. 1 ii, pp. 193-198. |
| 45 |
O.S.
Memoir Blaris, op. tit., 5, V (13) p. 84. |
| 46 |
Ibid. |
| 47 |
C.E.B. Brett, Court
Houses and Marker Houses of the Province of Ulster, 1973, p. 33. |
| 48 |
Carmody, op. cit.,
p. 60. |
| 49 |
(Gough), op. cit.,
p. 27. |
| 50 |
Brett, op. cit., p.
33. |
| 51 |
O.S.
Memoir Blaris, op. tit., 5, V (13) p. 77; Lisburn
Museum collection, watercolours, by W.J. Boyle `Market
Day, Market Sq., South, Lisburn, 1885' and
the same subject by an amateur artist, c. 1880, show the function of
this side of the market house. |
| 52 |
Bayly, op. tit., p.
41. |
| 53 |
Lisburn
Standard, 18 Dec. 1936, p. 8, report on the News
Room Centenary dinner, at which the speakers quoted extracts from the
News Room's original minute book, which is now misplaced. |
| 54 |
O. S. Memoir Blaris,
op. cit., 5, V (13) p. 77. |
| 55 |
Lisburn Standard,
News Room centenary, op. cit. |
| 56 |
By Mr.
J. H. F. McCarrison, former editor of the Lisburn Herald and last
President of the Lisburn News Room Society. At the centenary dinner,
over a hundred members and guests subscribed their names to an
illuminated scroll, intended as a permanent record of the occasion. It
is now in the possession of Lisburn Historical Society. |
| 57 |
H.
Dixon, `So many Proofs'! Aspects of the legacy of 9r Richard Wallace in
the fabric of Lisburn.', in Lisburn Hist. Soc., In., 1982, vol. 4. |
| 58 |
Lisburn
Standard, 19 May 1888. |
| 59 |
Dixon, op. cit. |
| 60 |
Lisburn
Standard, 13 May 1888. |
| 61 |
Lisburn B.C., Legal
Reg., doc. 34. |
| 62 |
Lisburn
Museum photo. coll., 06.B/03, 'The Proclamation of Edward VII at the
Assembly Rooms 1901' and,06.C/(19 & 10, `Chamber of Commerce Dinners in
the Assembly Room 1930 and 1932' |
Brian Mackey had been Curator of Lisburn Museum since its
inception in 1979 and has had responsibility for overseeing the building's
restoration and adaptation to a local museum.
|