LISBURN SEVENTEENTH CENTURY TOKENS

 by

ROBERT HESLIP

  Photograph

Historians, by definition, are primarily concerned with written sources and this can sometimes lead to a neglect of other relevant material. The main job of museums, on the other hand, is to curate and study objects. Regrettably, the resources they hold are often misunderstood and under-utilized. Numismatics is a good choice to illustrate the problem. The numismatist can spend a lifetime in the study and arrangement of coins but the information gathered may never appear outside specialist publications. The historian, even the economic historian, often ignores a large corpus of information which usually complements, and sometimes replaces, mote familiar material. It is hoped that this article will make this potential source more widely known and encourage those who may be chary of a strange specialization.

Governments have never found it economically attractive to supply small change, although this has long been regarded both as a facilitation of trade and a social duty. By the 17th century, an economy existed within which money functioned in a manner recognizable today. It should come as something of a shock, therefore, to discover that in the middle years of the century, little regard was given to the problem of petty coinage. Denominations under sixpence were scarce, although small coins down to silver halfpennies were made at times. A comparable situation today would be if no currency was readily available other than banknotes. As well as not being easily obtainable, small values in precious metal were hardly practical, either in production or in use, with the halfpenny weighing little more than a quarter of a gram. James 1 thought that by selling the right to strike copper farthings he could kill several birds with one stone, but the resultant coins, probably current in Ireland only from 1623 (in spite of the fact that a harp featured as the reverse design from their first appearance in 1613), seem never to have been popular in either England or Ireland. They were small, easily forged and sold at a discount for bulk. In short, they failed to persuade a public, convinced of the importance of the bullion element in coinage, that they were other than a royal money-making scheme. The issue ceased in 1644, and in spite of numerous proposals, some of which reached the stage of having patterns struck with such speaking legends as 'The Relefe of the Pore' and `for Necessity of Change', no authorized copper coinage appeared. It was not until 1672 that the need for official copper halfpennies and farthings was catered for in England.

In Ireland the position regarding small change may have been somewhat better than in England, in spite of recurrent and chronic shortages of specie. There had been large issues of small copper pennies and halfpennies in 1601 and 1602, but these probably ceased circulation in 1623 after the introduction of the farthings produced under royal patent. Scotland had long experience of copper and billon (i.e. very base silver) coinage. James VI and Charles I issued substantial numbers of small copper coins worth 2d Scots called 'turners'. These are common finds from 17th century contexts in the northern parts of Ireland. Copper double-tournois issued by Louis XIII and some local magnates in France circulated with the turners in Scotland and also appear with them in Ireland. It is yet unclear, however, if this imported coinage was in common circulation here much before the 1650s. Neither do we know the rate at which these coins passed-an English penny was the equivalent of twelve Scots pence, so the turner should have been worth less than an English farthing.

Under the Commonwealth and Protectorate (1649-53 and 1653-600), the central monopoly on the right to issue all coinage may have mattered less than in previous years. In the event, the obvious need for small change was filled in England from 1651 by a flood of small copper pieces-tokens-mostly valued at a halfpenny or a farthing, issued by traders and towns. The operation of these pieces is perhaps easiest to explain by analogy with promissary notes or I.O.U.s. The contrast between an uncertain promise to pay (albeit in metallic form) offered by the tokens, and the official coinage of 22 ct gold and sterling silver, must have been large and perhaps tells us something about economic stability and confidence during the interregnum and its aftermath.

In Ireland, tokens appear in 1653 and continue until 1679, being replaced by regal halfpennies in 1680. Over 800 different issues, from 179 localities, are known from Ireland at present. Most Irish tokens, unlike the English, give their denomination as a penny. A further contrast is often provided by the lack of a precise statement of trade. Many English tokens give some indication of the occupation of the issuer, who were often inn-keepers, persons involved in retail trade, or employers of labour. In Ireland a bland 'Marchant' is often the only information, sometimes supplemented by a trade company's arms. Preliminary research on some southern issuers indicates that many fall into the category of speculators and capitalists, rather then shopkeepers or simple traders.' If careful examination of the activities of issuers outside the major towns proves this picture to be widespread, one might suggest that the tokens, as well as being an economic utility, were a speculation in their own right. Given the difficulty of raising capital at a remove from the main financial centres in the mid 17th century, the ability to put several pound's worth of tokens (produced at a fraction of their face value) into circulation and keep them there for several years, must have been a considerable boon. The analogy with banking practice, in the period before reserves had to cover notes issued, is clear.

In the British Isles, the technology of coin-making was going through a transitional stage at this time, with several suitable methods for the production of small copper coins being available. All the tokens were struck between two dies, on which a design was incised either by the use of punches or engraving, usually by a combination of both. The lower die, on which the more important design was put because it wore more slowly, is known as the obverse, and the upper as the reverse. These terms are equivalent to the colloquial 'heads' and 'tails'. The design on the dies was impressed on the blanks, or flans, by striking with a hammer, in a fly press, or by squeezing in a rocker press. As will be realised, the level of technology required could vary from the crude to the sophisticated, a couple of tokens even having legends on the rim. In England, token production was largely in the hands of two or three workshops identifiable (even in the absence of literary evidence) by letter and other punches common to a number of dies. The same workshops seem to have produced dies, and perhaps struck the tokens-the two operations not necessarily being linked-for many Irish issuers. Some Irish tokens, however, by their crudity and eccentric technique, are patently local productions and may, have more interest for that reason. A variety of craftsmen had the basic skills required to produce a die. The problem of producing flans (the coin before the design is applied) was sometimes avoided by overstriking on the French double-tournois mentioned above. The size and weight of tokens varies greatly, even among coins of one issuer, but of course this should not have affected the value. The metal used, judging by appearances, ranges from almost pure copper to various grades of brass.

At present, fourteen 17th century tokens are known from Lisburn. Numbers 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13 and 14 are represented in the Ulster Museum collection and have their provenances indicated.

Tokens Photograph

In Ulster, the number of tokens known from Lisburn compares with Belfast's 26, and Londonderry's 18. The only other places to reach double figures are Antrim and Coleraine with 11 each. In the south, Dublin's pre-eminence is emphasised by 143 issuers, but one might be slightly surprised to find other towns ranking as follows (if token issues are to be regarded as reflection of population and economic importance): Galway 32; Drogheda 22; Kilkenny 19; Youghal 17; Waterford 16; Wexford 15; Limerick 13; Cork 10. Tokens appear in all sorts of unlikely places of little importance, emphasising that perhaps some coins were not intended simply to supply change for retail trade.

It is not the purpose of this article to supply full details of the Lisburn issuers - others are better qualified for the task - but a few preliminary notes may be of interest. The most obvious place to start is, of course, with the Hearth Money Roll². There we find Adam Leathes with 2 hearths; George Gregson, 3; Anthony Wrightson, 5; Edward Moore, 2. We can probably associate `Mr. Ellis' (4 hearths), with the churchwarden <sup>3</sup> of Lisburn Cathedral in 1698 and with the Ed. Ellis, Apothecary' of the token. The difficult nature of the Hearth Money records is well known and we need not be too disturbed at a lack of total coincidence between the two lists of names. A casual look in the index at the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland reveals a little more information. William Andrews appears in the Rowan account book, and there is a Connor Will of 1711/12 in which he appears possessed of at least 246 acres. Edmond Ellis is comparatively well documented, with a Will of 1714, appearances in the Rawlinson papers and Hertford Rent Roll and other sources. George Gregson features in the Lisburn records of the Society of Friends and seems to have died about 1690. He also appears in the Subsidy Rolls of Killultagh in 1663 and 1665. A Bryan Magee is in the Subsidy Roll for 1663 and Bryne (sic) Magee is a churchwarden in 1669. Denis Magee features in 1663, 1665 and 1667, being described in the latter entry as `Miles' (soldier). Such versatility would be entirely in keeping with what we know of many other issuers. There is an Anthony Wrightson with the rank of Cornet in the Army accounts of 1690/91. This list could be easily amplified, and perhaps some picture built up of the scale and nature of the financial affairs of these men.
 

Another approach is to look at the tokens themselves. The most immediately exciting piece is obviously that of John Peers (no. 10) which has a building represented on the reverse, This is described as the Lisburn Market House in Williamson ⁴, but according to Macalister⁵, was regarded as a church by Fletcher. The importance of a 17th century representation of the Market House, however crude, is obvious and it is worth examining the problem in some detail. By far the commonest type of building on the tokens is a castle. With few exceptions these are wholly conventional, almost heraldic in appearance and produced from stock punches. The next commonest type of building to be depicted is a church, and here there is more variety in style. The examples with which I am familiar, however, do not resemble the device on the Peers token. One is then left with buildings of the market house type for comparison. There is a Dublin token of Thomas Speght which was regarded by competent antiquarians as having a representation of the Thosel. Two tokens of Limavady show a building labelled on the coins themselves as `New Hall', and these perhaps provide the best comparison with the Lisburn piece. The use on tokens of devices to locate an issuer was common in England and well-known in Ireland. Sometimes, this was a precise reference to an actual sign, or to a street, or a landmark identifying the town. If it could be proved that Peers operated out of the Market House, one would be confident of the attribution, but unfortunately there is a further complication in that John Peers was a cathedral churchwarden in 1672. At present, therefore, one can only observe that the device is not the product of a standard punch, and therefore may be presumed to be an attempt to represent a specific structure. A depiction of any pre-1708 Lisburn building is of value. My own opinion is that the row of semi-circles above the base line might well be intended to represent arcading of the market house type.

A number of points may be made about the other tokens. The covered cup on Gregson's token (no. 4) is a prominent part of the arms of the Goldsmiths' Livery Company, and taken with the scales on the reverse, may indicate that he was advertising himself as performing same of the functions of a goldsmith. He does not appear in published lists of members of either Dublin or London companies. In Lisburn, the trade is most unlikely to have involved actual fabrication, but rather the buying and selling of plate (an important part of many capital transactions) and acting as banker, including the changing of money. The tokens of W.R and W.R.' and `D.M: show every sign of competent local manufacture, and some at least were struck over double-tournots. The lettering seems to have been produced by the use of a very limited number of straight and curved punches, supplemented by the use of a drill. The style is so closely identifiable with that used on coins of Brian Magee that the temptation to see 'D.M.' as Denis Magee and a brother of Brian is almost irresistible. The tokens of W.R. on his own are only given to Lisburn on this basis, but although exact duplication between the punches is not apparent, perhaps because of the technique used, the style is entirely distinctive. I am aware of only one comparable piece from the north, that of Phelem Magenis of Dromore, Co. Down, and this is a much less accomplished production. Given that tokens only had a value if they could be redeemed, it is quite remarkable that pieces bearing only initials could circulate. The implication must be that the issuer was well-known, at least in mercantile circles, and that the tokens were not intended to travel far. Given these facts, a tentative identification may be possible after an extensive search in the available records.
Almost as much of a puzzle is the piece numbered 12 on the list, apparently issued jointly in Lisburn and Coleraine, It may be, of course, that one is wrong in assuming the name on the reverse indicates 'St. John Green of Coleraine'. A firm identification cannot be provided, however, until the discovery of someone of that name in Coleraine at the appropriate time. Primary finds of tokens would appear to have some role to play in indicating commercial links, and contrary to remarks above, pieces are found at considerable distances from their places of origin. In some cases these may be discarded coin, disposed of as having no value, but not all the evidence can be dismissed in this way. Personal commercial connections between Lisburn and Coleraine therefore seem the moat likely explanation. The capital cost of the die was probably the major part of the total expense in making an issue of tokens. Wrightson and Green may consequently have found it expedient to share the expediture involved.

Readers of this journal may be interested in two other 17th century tokens from the area.

THO. RICKABIE [in centre] shield of arms..
Reverse: IN LANNBEG [in centre] Id pierced mullet either side.
(Grainger and F. J. Robb colls.).

  THO. LEATHES. [in centre] a lis.
Reverse: OF HILLSBUROW. [in centre] ID mullet either side.
(Grainger coll.).

Trade tokens undoubtedly filled a need, but they could only be regarded as treating a symptom, not solving a problem. In 1660, Charles II granted Sir Thomas Armstrong a patent to strike farthings on the pattern of those current twenty years before, but few of these ever reached Ireland. Attempts at imposing royal authority and banning the tokens were unsuccessful until the real issue was addressed and a more attractive replacement provided, in the form of the handsome official halfpennies which appeared regularly after 1680. These were not only legal tender, but on average five times the weight of the tokens. The numismatic history of Ireland can be seen as a series of shortages, however. In the early 18th century the situation worsened again, with the result that tokens once more appeared.

REFERENCES

Robert Heslip is Assistant Keeper in the Department of Local History in the Ulster Museum, where his primary responsibility is for the numismatic collections.

MR. STEWART'S BALLROOM NEAR LISBURN:

FURTHER REFLECTIONS ON BALLYDRAIN

EILEEN BLACK

The Local History Department of the Ulster Museum owns a small watercolour by artist John Nixon¹, painted in 1785 and entitled Mr. Stewart's Ballroom near Lisburn (fig. 1). The picture, which shows a small plain two-storeyed house by the side of a lake, was something of an enigma, when acquired. Who was the said Mr. Stewart who lived near Lisburn and where exactly was his ballroom? As suggested in my article in the Lisburn Historical Society Journal, vol. 5, December 1984², the little house shown in Nixon's watercolour was perhaps situated in Ballydrain estate near Drumbridge, seat of farmer and linen merchant Robert Stewart (1749-97). Nixon, in fact, seems to have been acquainted with Stewart, for he also painted, likewise in 1785, a small watercolour entitled A Cabin in Rt. Stewarts Boat, Belfast. This too is owned by the Museum's Local History Department.

There were well-founded reasons for thinking that Stewart's ballroom was at Ballydrain. The estate, some three miles from Lisburn, tin the Drumbeg-Lambeg Road, has a lake within its grounds. The line of hills visible from the demesne (now Malone Golf Club) is not dissimilar to that in the background of Nixon's painting. At the time at which the watercolour was executed, Ballydrain house was a modest sized building but the Stewart family itself rather large, Robert the owner being one of seven children and having seven children of his own. Given the smallness of the house and the size of the family, the erection of an additional building for family entertainment seemed a strong possibility. It was not uncommon for wealthy families in the 18th century to build lodges in their grounds, for balls and parties. Wills Hill, Earl of Hillsborough (1718-93), for example, is known to have restored Hillsborough Fort-some distance from Hillsborough Castle-for this particular purpose. It appeared highly likely, therefore, that Mr. Stewart's ballroom near Lisburn was exactly that-a place of entertainment for the Stewarts of Ballydrain.

Happily, recent findings in local newspapers prove that Mr. Stewart's ballroom was indeed at Ballydrain. Reports in the Belfast News Letter, April-September 1785³ contain references to a ballroom in the vicinity of Ballydrain and Drumbridge and state that it was to be the venue for Union Assemblies. What exactly these were, is problematical. Assemblies in the 18th century were normally genteel gatherings featuring supper, dancing and card games. These 1785 Assemblies at Ballydrain/Drumbridge obviously had a particular motive, as implied in the term `Union'. But what? One thing is certain these functions were not in any way connected with the legislative union of Great Britain and Ireland, embodied in the Act of Union of 1801 - the date is much too early. A possible explanation ⁴ is that they were centred around the commercial propositions of 1785.

The commercial propositions were an attempt by Pitt the Younger to create a customs union between Great Britain and Ireland⁵. Pitt's intention was to establish a commercial treaty between the two countries which would bind them inextricably together and make `England and Ireland one country in effect ... one in the communication of advantages, and, of course, in the participation of burdens'. ⁶ The propositions, in fact, were subsequently abandoned by the government in the same year (1785), partly because of commercial jealousy by British merchants (who were worried by the thought of cheap Irish goods flooding their markets) and partly because Irish patriots feared they would lose, by such a union, part of the legislative independence they had won in 1782.

The possibility that the Union Assemblies were related to these commercial propositions remains conjecture, nevertheless. In all probability, the Assemblies at Stewart's ballroom at Ballydrain in 1785 will continue to puzzle the local historian for years to come. For the moment, we must be content with what Nixon's watercolour reveals: that there was a ballroom, used apparently for both entertaining and political purposes, in this particular part of the Lagan Valley, in the late 18th century.

REFERENCES

Mr Stewarts Ball Room

Eileen Black is an Assistant Keeper in the Ulster Museum's Art Department, with curatorial responsibility for the pre-20th century oil painting collection. Her particular interest is 18th and 19th century local art.

THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF EDWARD,

1st VISCOUNT CONWAY AND KILLULTAGH (1564-1631)

WILLIAM KERR

Edward, 1st Viscount Conway and Killultagh, whose Will is transcribed below, owed the second part of his title to a tragic accident which befell his brother, Sir Fulke Conway, in 1624. Sir Fulke, a veteran of the war against Spain had served in Ireland as a captain of foot during the last few years of the campaign against Hugh O'Neill and was knighted in the field by the Earl of Essex in 1600. After the capitulation of O'Neill, he embarked upon a political career and subsequently became Mayor and Lt. Governor of Carrickfergus, M.P. for Belfast in the Irish Parliament, and an Irish Privy Councillor. In addition he acquired a large estate in counties Down and Antrim (including Killultagh), partly by grant and partly by purchase and other means. In 1624, at the height of his career, he died as the result of a fire in one of his residences (probably that in Portmore). Because he was childless, his estate then passed to his elder brother, Sir Edward Conway, who had likewise been knighted in the field by Essex, after the Sack of Cadiz in 1596.

Sir Edward had already inherited the manors of Arrow and Ragley and other lands in Warwickshire from his father, Sir John Conway, in 1603, but being still in military service as Lt. Governor of the Brill, in the Netherlands, he could not immediately take up the role expected of a gentleman of property. In 1616, the Brill was returned to the Dutch and Sir Edward was at last free to follow a political career. He had already become an M.P. in 1610 and on his return to England, was appointed special envoy to Brussels and Prague, a Privy Councillor and, in 1623, one of the principal Secretaries of State. The following year, his estate was doubled in size, by the accession of the Irish property from Sir Fulke. In 1625, he was created Baron Conway of Ragley, in March 1627 Viscount Killultagh and in June of the same year, Viscount Conway of Conway Castle. Finally, in 1628, he became Lord President of the Council, an office he was to hold until his death on 3 January 1631, at the age of sixty-seven.

The first Conway to settle in Warwickshire was Edward Conway, a younger son of John Conw(a)y of Bodrhyddan, in north Wales. Edward went to England c.1500 to seek his fortune, which he found in the person of Anne Burdett, heiress to the manor of Arrow, in Warwickshire. He married Anne, probably helped in his suit by the good offices of his half-brother, Sir Hugh Conway (Anne's stepfather), thus exchanging his position in life from that of a poor younger son in Wales to that of a well-to-do English gentleman. His son, Sir John Conway and his grandson, also Sir John, were both knighted for service in the army, the second Sir John ending his military career as Governor of Ostend, 1586-90. The latter doubled the family estate by purchasing the adjoining manor of Ragley in 1591.

Edward 1st Viscount Conway, was the great grandson of the above-mentioned Edward Conway, who would doubtless have been well pleased with the fact that the family he had established in Warwickshire had prospered so well and had attained such a distinguished position in the military and political life of the country of his adoption.

This Will of the 1st Viscount was transcribed from a copy preserved in the Public Record Office, London, (PROB 11/160), proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury on 12 November 1631. I had originally hoped to use the Will proved in the Prerogative Court in Dublin in 1632 but which- as far as I know - has survived only in a French translation, prepared c.1780 for Colonel James Conway, in furtherance of his request to the King of France to have the privileges and titles of French nobility granted to him and his family. This French translation is preserved in the Archives de France and was made available to me on microfilm. Norman Hoey very kindly translated the French Will into English but when we compared this with the Will from the P.R.O., it became clear that the person who had made the French translation had made many errors, probably through ignorance of English legal and other terms. I have therefore decided to make PROB 11/160 my text - it is clearly the same in substance as the Dublin Will. 1 have not altered grammar, punctuation, spelling or capitalization to make the Will more readable, but have indicated in the notes, any instance where the copyist has used unfamiliar words, or may have miscopied from his original. I have also inserted in the notes, some entries from the margin of the Will.

'IN THE NAME OF GOD AMEN :² I Edward Viscount Conwey³ and Killultagh Lord President of his Ma.^ties4 most honourable Privie Counsell being at this present in good and pfect⁵ health memorie and judgment thanks be to God for the same Doe make ordaine and declare this my last will and testament in manner and forme following ffirst and principally I Commend my soule into the handes of God my Creator and to Jesus Christ my Redeemer in and by whose only meritt and mediation I trust to be saved and to the Holy Ghoste my Comforter Three psons and one God my bodye I doe appoint to be buried with ordinary decency as it shall seeme best to my lovinge friends and Executors hereafter named but without ostentation or magnificence And touching the disposing of my lands and goods ffirst whereas by Indenture⁶ bearing date the ffowerteenth day of June in the third year of his Ma.^ties Raigne⁷ I did demise and graunt to my sonne in lawe⁸ Sir Robert Harley knight of the Bath, my loving cosen⁹ Sir Richard Verney knight my sonne in lawe, Sir Giles Bray knight my sonne in law Sir William Pelham knight, my loving Cosen Edward Read Esquire, and my servaunt William Weld, All my lands tenements and Hereditaments within the Countie of Warrwicke in the Realme of England for the terme of yeares in the said Indenture mencioned And alsoe all my lands tenements and hereditaments within the Province of Ulster in the Realme of Ireland for the terme of yeares in the said Indenture alsoe mentioned And by the same Indenture did also further give and graunt unto them all the leases for yeares iron worker penċons, Jewells plate houshold stuffe goods and chattles whatsoever that I have or ought to have within the Realmes of England or Ireland in my owne right or in the right of the Lady Katherine'¹⁰ my wief'¹¹ or wch came or ought to come unto me by the adminisfraton¹² of the goods and chattles of my late deceased brother Sir ffowlke Conwey deceased or came to my said wief by the Administration of the goods and chattles of her late deceased mother or by any other way or meanes whatsoever Upon expresse trust and Confidence that they imploy the rents of the said lands and the said leases, and the said penċons Jewells plate goods and Chattles for the paiement of my debts and legacies and performance of such porċons¹³ and Annuities and bequests as shalbe conteyned in this my last will and testament or in any schedule thereunto annexed And after the performance thereof to the use of my heir¹⁴ as by the said Indenture more at large appeareth My will and desire is that they dispose of the said goods and Chattles and the profitts of the said lands tenements and hereditaments for the discharge of my funerall payment of my debts legacies the marriage of my daughter Mary ¹⁵ and for the payment of annuities to her and to my younger sonnes and such other annuities and bequests as are hereafter more particularly declared and specified wherein I doe first desire that the charge of my funerall and all my debts whatsoever be paid And especially that the movie due from me to Sir Robert Lee knight for wch I have given him assurance of land be paid art such dales ¹⁶ or tymes and in such manner as in and by that assurance the same is mentioned to be paid My will and desire further is That my wief during her lief shall have the use of Two Basons¹⁷ and Ewers of silver the one halfe of the silver dishes wch I now have and one dozen and half of silver plates, three suites of Tapestry & hangings three Turkey Carpetts (excepting the two great long Turkey or Persia Carpetts),¹⁸ that is one for a dyning table drawn out, and the other two for Cubberd and syde board, and two others for Cubbende and foote Carpette My desire is also that during her life she have the use of tenn (feather bedds with their furniture of blanketts boulsters and lynnen¹⁹ answerable²⁰ att the discretion of my said Executors, whom I will and earnestly intreat to use my said wief with all equity curtesy assistance and good respect And yet to take good security that she dispose not of the plate or household stuff before mencioned to any other than her owne use during her lief as aforesaid And to leave them after her decease unto my said Executors again according to this will or such further disposition or direction as I shall hereby or otherwise make and declare concerning the same Item I doe hereby declare and appoint that my said wife shall have the use and possession of the Pearles and Diamond Rings wch she comonly weareth and my Jewell of diamonds made in forme of a Piramide²¹ during her lief Provided that she give unto my Executors good security to leave the same in specie or One thousand pounds sterling to be paid in lieue of them to my Executors or to the Survivor or Survivors of them immediately after her death And my will further is that my said wief shall have and carry away ²² all her wearing apparell and Vnnen wch she uses about her person, The Damaske bedd of yellowe and watchett²³ with the testern²⁴ curtaines and Cointerpoint²⁵ and the newe cloath bedd²⁶ with the tawnay and gould lace and fringe and the Curtaines for testerne and Counterpoint and the two feild bedsteads²⁷ with greene curtaines and Counterpoint And the blewe bedd and bedstead wherein herselfe useth to lye and whereas uppon the assurance I have made of my lands in Warwickshire I have reserved power to lett Leases for lives ²⁸ of all the Tenements in Ragley, Kingley and Arrowe and the pishe²⁹ of Softorda³⁰ My desire further is that my said wief or such as shee shall nominate have the house in Ockenheath wherein Osbaston lately dwelt for two lives to bee nominated by her my said wife And also the house at Arrowe wch I give to my sister Hunkes duringe her life And after her decease to my said wife duringe her life Or for the life of any one servant of hers or mine that shee will nominate And I doe further give unto my said wife forty acres of wood such acres as are so called and sold to the country people in the yearly sailes out of the wood sailes in Arrowe and Ragley and those forty acres to be assigned standing in the wood for her provision of her house and to be taken and carried by her for soe many yeares and soe often as she shall live and keep house at Luddington³¹ Item I give unto my said wife as an encrease or augmentaron of her Joynture³² made at our marriage all that Land in Luddington and Dodwell which I have purchased severally of or from the Earle of Middlesex Sir Edward Petoe knight and townsmen of Stretford upon Avon to have and to hould the same during her life upon or under the condition hereafter mentioned Also I doe further will devise appoint and declare that my said wife for further encrease of her Joynture and in liews³³ of her Dower shall have two hundred pounds yearly out of my lands in Ireland to be paid by two equall payments at the ffeasts of the Nativity of out Lord God and St. John Baptist every yeare during her lief The first payment to beginne at such of the said ffeasts as shall happen next after my decease which I give and devise unto her upon the Condition Alsoe hereafter mentioned that is to say Provided alwaies and all the severall legacies guiftes and bequests whatsoever before given made or bequesthed to my said wife are upon this Condition that shee shall within fower months after my decease release to my heires and Assignes all Dower tytle of Dower right clayme demaund of in or to all or any lands tenements, or hereditaments whatsoever within the said realme of Ireland whereof I was seised³⁴ at any tyme sithence³⁵ the intermarriage betweene her and me And it is my expresse will and meaning that my said wife shall have to take noe manner of benefitt of or by this my last will and testament or of any legacie guift or bequest whatsoever therein conteyned Unless that shee content herselfe therewith and with the said Joynture or assurance that I have made unto her of my lands in the Realme of England And that shee release unto my heires and assigns all her Dower right title interest suite accon³⁶ clayme and demaund whatsoever of in and to the said Lands tenements and hereditaments within the said Realme of Ireland by or within the tyme to that purpose before lymitted³⁷ that is to say within lower months next after my decease Item I doe give and bequeath to my youngest daughter Mary Conwey the some of two thowsand ffive hundred pounds sterling to be paid unto her at and presently after her day of marriage to be had and made with a husband who shall assure upon her and the heires of her body to be by him begotten ffive hundred pounds a yeare lands Bona fide to discend or to be assured to the heires of her body to be begotten by that her husband and shall make unto her good and sufficient assurance in the law of three hundred pounds yearly at the least to be her jointure And for her better maintenance and resent support Although my earnest desire be that shee should live with my wife her mother in lawe³⁸ if they can so agree Yet least that might not be and to the end she may satisfie for her board I will and do bequeath to her for her maintenance see long as shee shall live unmarried one hundred pounds a yeare to be paid halfe yearly or quarterly and the first payment to beginne at the tyme of my decease And to continewe to the day of her marriage But if it shall happen that shee shall marry with an husband that shall not make her such nor so good a Joynture as is before expressed nor estate such or see much of such yearly value and to such uses as is before menconed My will is that after such a marriage so made shee have in lieue of the two thousand and ffive hundred pounds but an Annuity of ffourty pounds yearly duringe her life And whereas I have given to my younger sons Sir Thomas Conwey knight and Raphe Conwey Annuities of ffourty pounds apeece wch I doe confirme unto them by this my last will and testament out of my Lands in England I doe also now give and bequeath unto them out of my lands in Ireland One hundred pounds a yeare apeece more of currant English money to make up their Annuities an hundred and hourly pounds apeecce to be payd unto them half yearly at Michaelmas and our Lady day in even porcons And I doe further will appoint and devise my said executors and friends put in trust as aforesaid out of the two thousand pounds a yeare pencon wch are given me by Lres Patents ³⁹ from his Ma.^tie when there shalbe monie come to their hands That then all my debts and legacies being first paid they doe disburse fifteen hundred pounds sterling out of the said pencon as it shalbe received to be bestowed for the building of a brickhouse at Luddington wherein I doe desire that my wife should have the oversight and direction in a speciall great measure and I desire and will also that after the satisfaccon and payment of my debts and legacies and after the gathering of the monies for the building of Luddington that a staircase and a great Chamber a withdrawing Chamber and a Chappell be built at Ragley according to a plott in paper prepared by me the Caste of wch I doe computate and appoint to be two Thousand & ffive hundred pounds or thereabouts And because I doe observe that wearinge cloathes and horses are comonly held of noe rckoning and fall to be the despised legacies and rewards of servants I will that all my wearing apparrell and horses wch I shall dispose of and appoint by this my last will or by any Codicell or Schedule thereunto annexed for to be sould and monie made of them out of wch and by such other meanes as monie may be raised shalbe given to my servants that doe now attend me such sommes of money as I shall appoint and severally expresse in a schedule hereunto annexed And lastly I doe constitute and appoint the said Sir Robert Harley, Sir Richard Verney, Sir Giles Bray, Sir Willm Pelham, Edward Reed, and Willm Weld the Executors of this my last will and testament Written in ffive leaves of paper In witness whereof I have to everie⁴⁰ of the said ffive leaves self my hand and scale Yeoven⁴¹ the Three and twentieth of Julie Anne Dom⁴² 1629 and in the ffifth yeare of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles by the grace of God of England Scotland ffrance and Ireland king defender of the faith etc. CONWEY. ⁴³ Memorand44 the three and twentieth daie of Julie above written the Lord Viscount Conwey and Killultagh did sett his hand and scale to everie of these five leaves before written and did declare the same to conteyn his last will and testament in the presence of THO: MALLETT, GEO ROWDON, ANTHONY WILSON, FFRA: EGIOCKE

(Item I give to my servaunt ffancis Manucky one hundred pounds Item to my old servant William Chasterman the some of ffifty pounds Item to my servant Walter Biland the some of ffiftie pounds⁴⁵ Item to my servant⁴⁰ George Rowdon the some of ffourtye pounds Item to my servant ffrancis Egiocke the some of ffourtie pounds Item to my servant Ralphe Allen the some of ffourtye pounds Item to my servant Samuel] Houghton the some of flambe pounds Item to my servant Henry Shillington the some of twenty pounds (Item to my servant John Gilpin in token he shall have delivered a nice account of the Plate and Linnen wch he hath in his keeping twenty pounds) To the rest of my servants I give one Quarters wages and one quarters dyett⁴⁷ to be taken where my Executors shall appoint Item I give to my servant Rys the some of ffourtye pounds In witness whereof I have hereunto sell my hand and seale Yeoven the second day of October Anon Dom 1629 And in the ffifih yeare of the Raigne of our said Soveraigne Lord King Charles of England Scotland ftrance and Ireland defender of the faith, etc.⁴⁸ Memorand that these Sixe leaves of paper each of them being signed and sealed by the Lord Viscount Conwey and Killultagh were by his Lordshipp declared to be his Lordshipps last will and testament in the presence of us whose times are hereunder written RAL; CONWEY. FFRAN:HANUCHY, W. BYLAND, FFRA: EGIOCKE, SA. HOUGHTON. Whereas I see the Ministers wyves⁴⁹ unprovided for in England And whereas God hath blessed me with a Ministery in Arrow in Warwickshire supplied by a Reverend man Mr Case whose wife has desired me that in case it shall please God to call her husband out of this mortall life before her she may have a house built for her upon the ground her husband now renteth The wch I am willing to graunt unto her and doe intend God willing to make her a lease and assurance for the same with these conditions that if she survives her husband Mr Case she shall have a convenient dwelling house built for her wholy at the cost and discharge of me my heires Executors or Assignes upon the ground her husband now renteth, being called Taylors Close, and shall enjoy the same house and close rent free during her owne naturall life. But because I know not whether that ground be lyable to the clause of reservation mentioned in the deed that was made for my daughter in lawes Joynture I doe therefore desire my sonne Edward and his heires Executors and Assignes that they will see the lease and assurance that I shall graunt in that behalf, to her duly performed, And if I live not to make that Lease and Assurance, or that the same shall not be made good unto her according to my true intent hereby declared I doe then and in such case acknowledge myselfe to owe and bee indebted to the said Mistress Case the sum of ffiftie pounds to be payd unto her presently after the decease of her said husband which some of ffiftie pounds shee is to take in liew of that house and ground without further pretence, ffor the payment whereof unto her accordingly I doe hereby bind myselfe my heires Executors Administrators and Assignes. All my Executors know this to be my hand as needs no other and yet because it is a spirituall cawse 1 have signed it: ED CONWEY⁵⁰

NOTES

William Kerr is greatly interested in the local history of the Derriaghy area and has collaborated with Rev. W.N.C. Bart in the production of A Short History of Derriaghy, Christ Church, Derriaghy: Grave Inscriptions; The Oldest Register in the Parish of Derriaghy, and Ordnance Survey Memoirs for the Parish of Derriaghy.